How to Support Female Entrepreneurs in Afghanistan

June 26, 2024
BY: Belquis Ahmadi;  Afsana Rahimi
United States Institute of Peace

Tuesday, June 25, 2024

Potential areas of cooperation between the Taliban and the international community, such as private sector development and alternative livelihoods to now-banned opium poppy cultivation, will be on the agenda at a meeting of international envoys for Afghanistan hosted by the United Nations in Doha from June 30 to July 1. Discussions on women’s rights are not included, as the Taliban consider it an internal matter. This is ironic, given that the private sector is one area where the Taliban allow limited women’s participation.
As envoys discuss normalizing relations with the Taliban while respecting human rights, it’s important to consider if women benefit from private sector development and how it can empower them. Despite claimed support for women in the private sector, the Taliban’s approach lacks essential elements for genuine economic empowerment.

Exclusion of Women a Drain on Afghanistan’s Economy

Excluding women from education, public spaces and employment severely hampers the Afghan economy. Sustainable prosperity is unattainable without the contributions of half the population. Banning women from education beyond sixth grade cuts the qualified labor force by half, and further restrictions on educated women limit the country’s productive capacity even more.

Studies have shown that gender inequality in the workforce can have a substantial negative impact on a nation’s gross domestic product. The World Bank estimates that gender inequality in earnings alone costs the global economy $160 trillion. A 2024 United Nations Development Program (UNDP) report concluded that restrictions on women’s rights and employment are significantly hampering economic recovery in Afghanistan. The report notes women’s participation in the workforce dropped dramatically — from 11% in 2022 to just 6% in 2023 — as a consequence of restrictions placed on them by the Taliban.

While the Taliban ostensibly support women working in the private sector, the gender segregation enforced by the Taliban poses a significant obstacle to women’s businesses and their employment in the private sector. Female entrepreneurs are encountering significant obstacles in acquiring or renewing their business licenses under the Taliban’s rule. Moreover, a significant number of established, professional and trained female entrepreneurs have left the country due to the Taliban’s restrictive policies and the ban on education.

In Afghanistan, women have historically played an important role in running businesses and creating jobs for both women and men.

In Afghanistan, women have historically played an important role in running businesses and creating jobs for both women and men. As more and more men took up arms after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, women were compelled to become the primary breadwinners for their families. More women started entering the workforce and pursuing educational opportunities. Many women in both urban and rural communities turned to income-generating activities, establishing micro and small businesses. Women in rural areas have long been involved in dairy production, the clothing industry, embroidery, food processing and handicrafts. In these communities, education and professional expertise in entrepreneurship were not necessarily prerequisites for success, as marketing and the financial aspects of the businesses were handled by male family members.In a survey conducted in 2020, the Afghanistan Women’s Chamber of Commerce and Industries (AWCCI) identified 2,471 formal businesses owned by women across 32 provinces, excluding Nuristan and Paktika. Formal businesses are defined as those that have acquired a license from the Ministry of Commerce and Industries. Additionally, there were 56,000 informal women-owned businesses. The survey found that all together these businesses had created over 130,000 jobs.

The AWCCI’s initiatives have played a crucial role in empowering female entrepreneurs and supporting inclusive job creation, demonstrating the substantial impact of targeted investment in women’s economic activities. In 2017, the year the AWCCI was established, the total amount of investment by businesswomen was estimated at $87 million. The chamber connected Afghan women to regional and global platforms. By 2020, the investment by businesswomen had increased to $90 million.

Prior to the Taliban taking power in 2021, women-owned businesses included a diverse range of products and services, from carpet weaving to construction, as well as nontraditional businesses such as media outlets, technology, agribusinesses and import and export. With technical and financial support from donor agencies and land provided by the government, women-only markets were constructed in 13 provinces. Women-owned kiosks and fast-food restaurants in parks were also dedicated to women and families.

Afghan women participated in domestic trade fairs across multiple provinces. They successfully entered the global market, showcasing their products at regional and international trade fairs in countries such as India, Uzbekistan and the United Arab Emirates, expanding their market reach and entrepreneurial opportunities.

Life for Women under the Taliban

Since 2021, the Taliban have issued decrees severely restricting women’s employment opportunities, undermining genuine economic empowerment. The UNDP’s April 2024 report highlights significant barriers for female entrepreneurs and employees, including limited market access, reduced mobility, regulatory restrictions and discrimination. Many women-owned businesses face challenges such as reduced customers and logistical issues.

The Taliban’s restrictions disrupt social networks, increase isolation and stress and erode women’s sense of identity and purpose.

These restrictions disrupt social networks, increase isolation and stress and erode women’s sense of identity and purpose. They cause profound emotional and psychological impacts, including feelings of hopelessness, diminished self-esteem, anxiety and depression among women. The ban on girls’ education above sixth grade limits educational opportunities and stifles aspirations, leading to long-term detrimental effects on women’s mental health, confidence and overall well-being.A female entrepreneur in western Afghanistan who owns a small business told us her monthly income dropped from $2,000 to zero. Another business owner noted the country’s rapid decline into poverty and famine. “The situation on the ground is deteriorating rapidly,” said this person, who, like others interviewed for this article, spoke on the condition of anonymity. “Intellectuals [are] fleeing and the economy collapsing. The authorities are exacerbating the crisis by imposing excessive taxes and coercing people to contribute more, even going as far as shutting down some businesses and enterprises.”

Despite the Taliban’s apparent support for trade fairs, female entrepreneurs face significant challenges. Restrictions on attendance to women who lack the financial means to purchase goods reduce the fairs’ profitability for female entrepreneurs. Some women have turned to online businesses or WhatsApp groups to promote their products, but these efforts are limited compared to men’s access to investors and buyers. This glaring disparity highlights women’s ongoing challenges in accessing markets and financial support.

Additionally, female laborers in the private sector face severe restrictions. In December 2023, for example, the Taliban ordered pine nut processing factories in Paktia province to terminate the jobs of female laborers, affecting several hundred women. In January, a similar order in Nangarhar province led to the dismissal of around 300 women from a pine nut processing factory. These policies target and undermine women’s workforce participation, exacerbating economic hardships and impeding their ability to sustain livelihoods.

Exodus of Female Entrepreneurs Impacts Economic Stability and Growth

A significant number of established, professional and trained female entrepreneurs have left Afghanistan due to the Taliban’s restrictive policies, especially the ban on education for women. They have been forced to seek refuge or migrate to other countries to secure educational opportunities for their daughters. This exodus has caused a brain drain, depriving the nation of skilled female entrepreneurs and leaving those who remain without the necessary resources and support to run successful businesses. The restrictive environment further stifles innovation and growth, leading to a decline in the quality and sustainability of women-owned businesses.

“For 15 years, I proudly owned and operated a successful business, offering employment opportunities to over 100 women and men,” said a former business owner who was forced to leave Afghanistan in search of better opportunities. “I now find myself displaced in a foreign land, grappling with the challenges of starting anew. I chose to leave everything behind so that my daughters could pursue their education,” she added. Her story highlights the broader issue of economic resilience and potential being diminished by the loss of entrepreneurial leaders.

The lack of role models and mentors discourages new female entrepreneurs, undermining economic diversity and stability and reversing progress in women’s economic empowerment.

Conclusion and Recommendations

A stronger economy is a shared interest among the Taliban, the Afghan people and the international community, but it is also a battleground for gender discrimination against women, a critical aspect that needs full consideration in the Doha discussions. Women have historically participated in the economy, providing practical benefits. Despite the Taliban’s claims of supporting women in economic roles, their actions contradict this by restricting opportunities in both public and private sectors. These include bans on public sector employment, wage reductions and restrictions on hair salons, gyms and public baths, as well as licensing and capital requirements. Indirect social constraints like mahram rules and potential future education bans further limit women’s economic prospects. The international community must ensure that development aid does not discriminate against women or become inefficient due to their exclusion.

The international community must ensure that development aid does not discriminate against women or become inefficient due to their exclusion.

In Doha, meeting participants will discuss ways to implement the recommendations of the U.N. special coordinator of the independent assessment mandated by United Nations Security Resolution 2679 (2023) in January. The report noted: “adherence to principles of non-discrimination and inclusion, respect for women’s rights and efforts towards their meaningful participation and respect for the fundamental rights and freedoms of all Afghans should be ensured and advanced.” In Doha, participants should also consider the following recommendations:

  • Ensure Afghan women have unrestricted access to domestic and global markets: The Taliban must allow Afghan women full access to both domestic and international markets by lifting all existing restrictions. This will enable women to participate freely in economic activities, helping Afghanistan to utilize its full workforce potential, stimulate economic growth and improve societal well-being.
  • Provide safe spaces and opportunities for capacity building for female entrepreneurs: Capacity building for female entrepreneurs is impossible without safe environments. The Taliban must stop intruding on and disrupting training efforts, ensuring that women can develop their skills and businesses without fear. Creating secure spaces for learning and growth is essential for empowering women and fostering economic development. Empowerment activities should focus on enhancing skills related to entrepreneurship, leadership, financial literacy and technology.
  • Establish comprehensive benchmarks to measure contributions of female entrepreneurs: Donor communities should establish comprehensive benchmarks to evaluate the economic growth and contributions of female entrepreneurs. This involves setting clear metrics and conducting regular evaluations to monitor progress. By systematically tracking the performance of women-led businesses, donor communities can identify areas for improvement and provide targeted support.
  • Ensure women’s participation and empowerment in humanitarian aid and private sector development: Donor communities should benchmark humanitarian assistance to ensure it promotes both the rights of women to participate in the assisted sectors and tangible increases in women’s actual participation in the private sector. This involves setting clear criteria for evaluating how well aid initiatives support women’s inclusion and empowerment. By systematically measuring and tracking women’s engagement in these sectors, donors can ensure their assistance is reaching women.
  • Empower women by giving them comprehensive access to macro-finance and global markets: Institutions like the World Bank, alongside Islamic microfinance initiatives, must ensure Afghan women have access to macro-finance and global markets. This goal demands robust, long-term strategies and unwavering political commitment. Without such measures, current support systems will only address women’s immediate needs, falling short of fostering sustainable economic independence and growth.

Afsana Rahimi is the chairperson of the Afghanistan Women Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the vice chairperson of the Afghanistan International Chamber of Commerce. She is also the co-founder of Global Afghan Women Trade Caravan and senior vice president of the Afghanistan Business Council–USA.

How to Support Female Entrepreneurs in Afghanistan
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WFP to assists only one million in Afghanistan due to financial crisis

June 26, 2024

The World Food Programme in Afghanistan has announced that due to budget constraints and financial crises, it may only be able to distribute food to one million people until October 2024.

The organization stressed that currently, 12 million people in Afghanistan require assistance to survive.

On Wednesday, June 26th, this UN-affiliated agency stated an urgent need for immediate assistance to aid the people.

The World Food Programme has highlighted that over 90% of Afghans lack enough food. They warned that hunger leads to families’ collapse, forcing some to sell their household belongings to survive.

The dire humanitarian situation in Afghanistan has been exacerbated by the forced deportation of Afghan refugees from neighboring countries.

Pakistan and Iran, two significant host countries for Afghan refugees, have increased efforts to repatriate them amid regional security concerns and strained resources. This has resulted in a humanitarian crisis as many Afghan refugees face uncertain futures and inadequate support upon returning to Afghanistan.

The forced returns have put immense pressure on Afghanistan’s already fragile infrastructure and limited capacity to provide essential services to returnees. With the ongoing conflict and economic instability, the situation is dire for both internally displaced persons and returning refugees who lack access to basic necessities such as food, shelter, and healthcare.

The international community has been urged to step up humanitarian aid and support mechanisms to alleviate the suffering of Afghan civilians, ensuring that adequate resources are available to address the immediate needs and long-term challenges facing the country.

WFP to assists only one million in Afghanistan due to financial crisis
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Vienna Conference calls for responsible UN action on Afghanistan

June 26, 2024
Khaama Press

Participants of the fourth Vienna conference criticized the announcement made today, June 26th, regarding the upcoming Doha conference and urged the United Nations to handle this matter responsibly.

They criticized the upcoming third Doha conference, scheduled for June 30th to July 1st, labeling it as a unilateral meeting organized according to the Taliban’s representatives.

Furthermore, the agenda of the third Doha conference indicates that the United Nations has departed from its primary mission in this conference, and the organization should not engage in talks with the Taliban as representatives of the people of Afghanistan.

Anarkali Honaryar, a former member of the Afghan Senate, addressed the Doha conference in her speech at the Vienna meeting today, stating, “The United Nations has organized this conference, and it must include women, civil society, political forces, and the people of Afghanistan, including the Taliban, in every session, as dialogue, in my opinion, is the only solution for Afghanistan.”

Ahmad Massoud, leader of the anti-Taliban group known as the National Resistance Front of Afghanistan, also emphasized in the concluding speech of the conference that the purpose of holding such meetings is to strive to map out a way out of Afghanistan’s crises.

He stated that Afghanistan is no longer a priority on the world stage, and it is time for Afghans themselves to make final efforts to pull their country out of the crisis.

During discussions in the past day’s fourth Vienna conference, two major views were debated. Some participants stressed the final efforts to resume intra-Afghan talks and negotiations as the sole solution, while others, alongside negotiations, also pressed for military options.

However, Mohammad Moheqiq, one of the former jihadist leaders, said in his speech today at this meeting, “It is time for them {Taliban} not to listen to the truth and peace talk; we have been waiting for three years for them to listen to the world and countries for peace, but they did not.”

The United Nations and the Taliban government have yet to comment on the statements of the participants of the fourth Vienna conference. But before that, Zakir Jalali, head of the third branch of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Taliban government, implicitly referred to the fourth Vienna conference and called its participants a “wandering assembly.”

So far, three rounds of these conferences have been held in Vienna, with the presence of some politicians from the former republican system and some activists from the capital of Austria.

The first Vienna conference was held in September 2022, the second in April 2023, and the third in December 2023.

Amidst a dire humanitarian and human rights crisis in Afghanistan, the Vienna Conference concluded with participants urging the United Nations to act responsibly towards the country’s ongoing challenges.

They emphasized the urgent need for international cooperation and support to address the worsening situation, including severe restrictions on women’s rights and escalating security concerns.

The participants highlighted the critical importance of humanitarian aid and protection of human rights in Afghanistan, calling for immediate action to alleviate suffering and uphold fundamental freedoms amidst the escalating crisis.

Vienna Conference calls for responsible UN action on Afghanistan
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Doha Talks ‘In No Way’ Recognize Afghan Interim Govt: Dujarric

June 26, 2024
TOLOnews
TV Network
26 Jine 2024

 

The third Doha meeting is hosted by Rosemary DiCarlo, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs.

 

A delegation of the Islamic Emirate, led by Zabihullah Mujahid, will participate in the third Doha meeting, and the United Nations has described this meeting as a process to compel the interim government to adhere to its commitments.

Stéphane Dujarric, spokesman for the UN Secretary-General, highlighted at a press briefing that holding the third Doha meeting, and meeting with the Afghan interim government delegation, does not imply formal recognition of them.

The spokesman for the UN Secretary-General, said: “In no way should any of the meetings between UN officials and the envoys be seen as an official recognition of the Taliban as the government, or legitimization.  It is about meeting who we need to meet because they are in control of Afghanistan, right?  So, we have to meet with them in order to deal with the issues of Afghanistan.”

Meanwhile, Rosemary DiCarlo, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, said that the ultimate goal of this process is the full integration of Afghanistan into the international community and the implementation of the interim government’s international commitments, including human rights and women’s and girls’ rights.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced yesterday (Tuesday, June 25) that based on the directive of the leader of the Islamic Emirate, Zabihullah Mujahid would lead the interim government delegation to participate in the third Doha meeting.

Hafiz Zia Ahmad Takal, deputy spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said: “According to the directive of the leader of the Islamic Emirate, the Islamic Emirate delegation will participate in the third Doha meeting under the leadership of Mawlawi Zabihullah Mujahid, the central spokesman of the Islamic Emirate.”

Meanwhile, 16 prominent women leaders in the Global Female Leaders Summit 2024 emphasized in an open letter to the international community that ignoring women in the Doha meeting undermines the credibility and effectiveness of this meeting.

Some political analysts believe that to address the challenges in the country and increase engagement between the international community and the Islamic Emirate, all parties must have a unified perspective.

“If steps are taken to open the practical path of engagement, it benefits everyone, and if we do not use this opportunity correctly, since powerful countries are in confrontation and alliance-building, we too will be harmed by this confrontation,” Sayed Qaribullah Sadat, a political analyst, told TOLOnews.

The third Doha meeting is hosted by Rosemary DiCarlo, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, on behalf of António Guterres.

It is expected that the third Doha meeting will be held in Qatar in three days, on June 30, with the participation of representatives from over 30 countries and global institutions.

Doha Talks ‘In No Way’ Recognize Afghan Interim Govt: Dujarric
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Nearly 100,000 Tourists Visit Bamyan in One Week

June 26, 2024
TOLOnews
25 June 2024
Safiullah Raed, the head of Bamyan’s Information and Culture Department, states that they have plans in place to promote the tourism industry.
Safiullah Raed, the head of Bamyan’s Information and Culture Department, states that they have plans in place to promote the tourism industry.

Raed said: “This year, during the week of Eid, about 92,000 people visited Band-e Amir, including the historical sites of Bamyan such as the city of Zahhak, Gholghola, and the Buddha area.”

Bamyan is one of the central provinces of the country, which, with its numerous natural and recreational attractions, draws thousands of tourists from all corners of Afghanistan and the world every year.

Several tourists who have come to Bamyan from various provinces express satisfaction with the security on Bamyan’s routes but say that more tourism facilities are needed.

Izzatullah, a tourist from Helmand, said: “It is a very green and beautiful province, and we are very happy with this trip. Additionally, the security atmosphere was very well-organized.”

Navid, a tourist from Kabul, said: “It is a very good place for recreation. Our compatriots should make an effort to visit Band-e Amir.”

Lifting the ban on women visiting Band-e Amir National Park and the reconstruction of roads to recreational and historical sites are other demands of tourists and residents of Bamyan.

Sayed Zamen, a resident of Bamyan, said: “A regulation should be made so that women are not deprived of tourism and outings.”

Ajmal, a tourist, said: “Efforts should be made to facilitate tourism for families.”

Band-e Amir National Park, Qazan Foladi, the Buddha statues, the city of Gholghola, and the city of Zahhak are among the most important recreational and historical sites in Bamyan, which also play a key role in attracting tourists.

Nearly 100,000 Tourists Visit Bamyan in One Week
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Shutting Afghan women out of key UN conference to appease Taliban ‘a betrayal’

June 24, 2024
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The Taliban are reportedly demanding that no Afghan women be allowed to participate in the UN meeting in Doha starting 30 June, set up to discuss the international community’s approach to Afghanistan, and that women’s rights are not on the agenda.

Since taking power in Afghanistan in August 2021, the Taliban have restricted women’s access to education, employment and public spaces. In March, it was reported that they would reintroduce the public flogging and stoning of women for adultery.

The Taliban did not participate in UN talks earlier this year, with the UN chief António Guterres saying at the time that the group presented a set of conditions for its participation that “denied us the right to talk to other representatives of the Afghan society” and were “not acceptable”.

Tirana Hassan, executive director at Human Rights Watch, said: “Excluding women risks legitimising the Taliban’s abuses and triggering irreparable harm to the UN’s credibility as an advocate for women’s rights and women’s meaningful participation.”

In trying to bring the Taliban to the negotiating table now, the UN was giving in to their demands to exclude women’s rights, said the former Afghan minister of women’s affairs Sima Samar.

“This situation is an indirect submission to the will of the Taliban. Law, democracy and sustainable peace are not possible without including half of the population of the society who are women. I don’t think we have learned anything from past mistakes.

“As one of the main changes, the people of Afghanistan should protest against discrimination, especially against women. Because this is not only the problem of women, but the problem of every family and every father, brother, child and husband,” said Samar.

Habiba Sarabi, another former minister of women’s affairs in Afghanistan and the country’s first female governor, said the international community was prioritising engagement with the Taliban over women’s rights.

“Unfortunately, the international community wants to deal with the Taliban, and that is why their own agenda has always been more important to them than the women of Afghanistan, democracy, or anything else,” she said.

Heather Barr, from Human Rights watch, said: “What is happening in Afghanistan is the most serious women’s rights crisis in the world and the idea that the UN would convene a meeting like this and not discuss women’s rights and not have Afghan women in the room is beyond belief.

“The only plausible explanation is that they’re doing this to get the Taliban to the table, but for what? Already, three years of diplomatic engagement has produced nothing and all this does is set an appalling precedent, emboldens and legitimises the Taliban and hands them a huge political win. It is a betrayal not just of Afghan women but all women around the world.”

The UN has been approached for comment, but in response to questioning on the involvement of Afghan civil society representatives it reportedly said arrangements for the conference were ongoing.

Shutting Afghan women out of key UN conference to appease Taliban ‘a betrayal’
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As Taliban Poppy Ban Continues, Afghan Poverty Deepens

June 24, 2024
BY: William Byrd, Ph.D.
United States Institute of Peace

Thursday, June 20, 2024

KEY TAKEAWAYS

  • The ban on opium cultivation is working but failing to curb exports as landowners liquidate inventories.
  • The ban is unsustainable and could trigger political tensions, even armed conflict.
  • U.S. and other donors must be clear-eyed, tailoring responses and programs to on-ground realities.

Afghanistan, historically the leading source of the world’s illegal opium, is on-track for an unprecedented second year of dramatically reduced poppy cultivation, reflecting the Taliban regime’s continuing prohibition against growing the raw material for opiates. The crackdown has won plaudits in international circles, but its full implications call for clear-eyed analysis and well considered responses by the U.S. and others. The ban has deepened the poverty of millions of rural Afghans who depended on the crop for their livelihoods, yet done nothing to diminish opiate exports, as wealthier landowners sell off inventories. The unfortunate reality is that any aid mobilized to offset harm from the ban will be grossly insufficient and ultimately wasted unless it fosters broad-based rural and agricultural development that benefits the most affected poorer households.

The U.S. and other governments and agencies, who will be discussing counter-narcotics and livelihoods at the U.N.-hosted international meeting in Doha at the end of this month, must face the facts about the ban:

  • It is not sustainable. There is no sign of a shift to cash crops, horticulture, livestock and non-farm activities that could replace opium, and the Afghan economy is too weak to generate significant numbers of other jobs.
  • Enforcement will prove increasingly difficult as landed interests start to suffer from the ban and pressures intensify to resume cultivation.
  • Political tensions with local interests and possibly within the Taliban are likely to grow, perhaps leading to violent conflict beyond what the protests already seen.
  •  So-called alternative livelihoods projects have not worked in the past and will be of little help in mitigating the adverse effects of the poppy ban, let alone creating a sustainable path away from dependence on opium production.

International actors need to ensure that their policy recommendations, and in particular proposed financial support, if any, do not feed into harmful, unsustainable Taliban approaches. They must be sure to avoid inadvertently supporting better-off rural core constituencies of the Taliban, or fueling unrealistic narratives about the success and longer-term prospects of a ban as pressures to resume more poppy cultivation intensify. On the positive side, there may be scope for cooperation with the Taliban on expanding and improving treatment programs for Afghanistan’s numerous drug addicts, and it may be worth exploring the potential for a confluence of interests in strengthening interdiction efforts to curb opiate processing and exports.

An Unprecedented Second Year of Success Against Poppy Cultivation

The Taliban’s comprehensive ban against opium cultivation, production, processing and trade, announced by their emir in April 2022, achieved a more than 85 percent reduction in the total national area of poppy cultivation in the 2022-2023 growing season, predominantly by deterring farmers from planting the crop. All in all, households with an estimate of almost 7 million people were prevented from cultivating opium poppy in that season.

International actors need to ensure that their policy recommendations, and in particular proposed financial support, do not feed into harmful, unsustainable Taliban approaches.

Vigorous enforcement of the ban has continued in the 2023-2024 growing season. The national picture will not be complete until satellite imagery for Badakhshan province and other higher-altitude, late-harvesting areas becomes available, but all indications point to an unprecedented second year of very low opium poppy cultivation. Indeed, the national figure quite possibly could be below last year’s level of 31,000 hectares — the most accurate estimate of the 2023 poppy harvest based on an analysis of satellite imagery for all agricultural land in the country by the geospatial firm Alcis. This compares with national cultivation typically exceeding 200,000 hectares during the previous decade.As in past successful Afghan poppy bans at regional and national levels, these massive reductions were achieved predominantly by discouraging farmers from planting opium poppy through pressure and threats reinforced by small amounts of eradication, as well as occasional action by law enforcement against poppy farmers. The general pattern in 2023-2024 is no different, characterized by special efforts to deter planting in areas where some cultivation had remained in 2022-2023, for example remote areas of Nangarhar that had resisted the ban in the previous year.

The glaring exception again appears to be Badakhshan province, which had largely escaped the ban and saw a significant increase in poppy cultivation in 2022-2023. Large-scale planting has occurred in Badakhshan in 2023-2024 despite some efforts to deter it. Eradication activities appear to have been limited and sparked open resistance, including violent protests by farmers and perhaps an IED attack on a Taliban convoy traveling to an eradication site. But even if there is a second year of expanding poppy cultivation in Badakhshan, this would not detract from the low overall national cultivation.

Unlike the first Taliban opium ban in the year 2000 which applied only to poppy cultivation, the current ban encompasses all stages of illicit narcotics production including trade, processing and exports. Earlier there were some signs that the Taliban might be serious about seeking to curtail the trade beyond the cultivation stage. However, available evidence suggests that trade, processing and exports are continuing at high levels, fueled by landowners and others selling off their accumulated inventories of opium cultivated in the past.

Analysis by David Mansfield indicates that such inventories, left over from bumper harvests in 2022, 2021 and earlier, can support the overall trade in opiates for several years when combined with ongoing opium production in Badakhshan. Indeed, high prices triggered by the ban mean that landowners and others holding opium inventories have accrued large capital gains and can comfortably support pre-ban income levels with gradual sales. Concentrated in the south and southwest, these landowners are happy with the ban (as long as their inventories last) and comprise a core constituency of the Taliban.

But the Ban is Harmful for Large Numbers of Poor Afghans, and Unsustainable

The story for poorer rural households is very different. With no or limited land, they depended on opium to make ends meet — through sharecropping, tenancy and wage labor — and benefited from the buoyant rural economy engendered by high levels of poppy cultivation and its demand for workers.

This large segment of the rural population has been suffering greatly from the ban and is bitterly opposed to it, a sentiment which often spills over into negative views toward the Taliban more generally. Given Afghanistan’s economic weakness and limited prospects for recovery let alone robust growth, the poppy cultivation ban is akin to an additional humanitarian shock from an approximately $1 billion loss of income annually for this part of the population.

These households are trying to cope with the shock the opium ban has dealt their incomes and livelihoods, but unfortunately have to do so in counterproductive short- and long-term ways. Like poor households generally, common coping mechanisms include selling off remaining assets such as livestock, eating less and lower-quality food, foregoing healthcare and pulling children out of secondary school. Moreover, outmigration by family members to seek work abroad (ultimately in Europe) and send back remittances becomes an increasingly attractive option for those who can afford the cost, despite the associated risks.

While outmigration and remittances are good for the involved households and the Afghan economy, they give rise to tensions with neighboring countries and potentially European ones. Overall, the medium-term economic prospects for previously opium-dependent poor rural households are dim in the face of the general weakness of the Afghan economy and its limited growth potential. As long as the ban continues, their few remaining assets and coping mechanisms will be increasingly exhausted, making a recovery later all the more difficult.

Big-picture, replacing poppy cultivation with wheat — the common pattern in the past — is not a sustainable way forward. In the 2022-2023 growing season, for example, satellite imagery for Helmand — by far Afghanistan’s largest poppy cultivating province pre-ban — shows that virtually all of the massive 99 percent decline in poppy cultivation was replaced by sharply higher wheat growing as well as more land apparently left fallow. Primary reliance on wheat, a relatively low-value, low-labor and water-intensive crop, cannot support the country’s large rural population.

The well-known sustainable path away from dependence on opium involves high-value cash crops, labor-intensive horticulture, livestock and buoyant non-farm activities.

The well-known sustainable path away from dependence on opium involves high-value cash crops, labor-intensive horticulture, livestock and buoyant non-farm activities in rural areas, with wheat part of the picture but by no means dominant as it is now. If the predominance of wheat continues in 2024, it will further underscore the lack of sustainability of the poppy ban, though one advantage of wheat for cultivators is that it is easy to shift back to poppy at some point in the future.

What Donors Can and Should (and Should Not) Do

The U.S. and other foreign governments and agencies must be clear-eyed about the ban:

  • First, it is not sustainable over the longer term, there being no sign of a shift to the activities that could replace opium in rural livelihoods, and with the Afghan economy too weak to generate large numbers of jobs in other sectors. The prognosis, therefore, is for continuing, indeed deepening rural poverty and deprivation as the ban continues to unfold.
  • Second, it will prove increasingly difficult to fully enforce the ban as landed interests deplete their inventories and start to suffer, increasing pressures to resume cultivation, particularly if the anomaly of substantial poppy cultivation in Badakhshan continues. Thus, a return to significant levels of poppy growing seems likely in the next couple of years.
  • Third, it is likely to give rise to intensifying political tensions between the Taliban leadership and local interests, as well as possibly within the Taliban, potentially even leading to violent conflict. Small examples of this have already been seen in Badakhshan and Nangarhar provinces.
  • Fourth, “alternative livelihoods projects” — the default donor response in the past — have not worked and will be of little help in mitigating the adverse effects of the poppy ban let alone forging a sustainable path away from dependence on opium production. What is needed instead is broad-based rural development and robust economic growth, the prospects for which are dim in the near future.

Facing this reality, expectations must be kept modest for how much U.S. and other foreign donors can mitigate the effects of the poppy ban through their interventions and financial support. Offsetting the humanitarian shock caused by the ban would require well over a billion dollars a year given administrative overhead and other extra costs, a figure no one could possibly expect would be met, and in any case that would provide only a temporary band-aid. Even hundreds of millions of dollars of well-targeted development aid would not offset the headwinds facing Afghanistan’s rural economy, let alone reverse the economic damage from the opium ban. So, any financial support that donors may consider will at best have only a marginal impact.

Moreover, it would be only too easy to squander limited aid funds on alternative livelihoods projects that will not make a difference or even worse, would be counterproductive.

For example, distributing agricultural inputs, especially for staples like wheat, to farmers according to their landholdings would not help the poorer households that have suffered the most from the ban, and would foster unsustainable cropping patterns that easily could be reversed if poppy cultivation is resumed. And if aid is targeted at the provinces that have reduced poppy cultivation the most (notably Helmand and other nearby provinces in the southwest), and furthermore is distributed to landowners, it would end up supporting a core constituency of the Taliban that has already benefitted greatly from the ban as a result of capital gains on their opium inventories.

Any aid mobilized should foster broad-based rural and agricultural development and should be targeted at activities that will benefit the poorer rural households.

Any aid mobilized in response to the Taliban’s opium ban should foster broad-based rural and agricultural development and should be targeted at activities that will benefit the poorer rural households most affected by the ban. Examples include small livestock, horticulture and labor-intensive non-agricultural activities. But it must be recognized that realistic levels of rural development aid will only have a marginal effect and will not come anywhere near to offsetting the impact of the poppy ban.On a more positive note, there may be a confluence of interests with the Taliban on expanding and improving treatment programs for the numerous problem drug users in Afghanistan, representing a serious public health problem the authorities are well aware of and are trying to do something about. It may also be worth exploring possible common interests in stronger interdiction efforts against processing and exports of opiates, in cooperation with neighboring countries. But going after the opium inventories held by landowners and other elites — probably the most effective way of cracking down on post-cultivation stages of the trade — most likely would be a nonstarter from the Taliban perspective since it would directly harm the interests of a core constituency of theirs in rural areas of south and southwest Afghanistan.

As Taliban Poppy Ban Continues, Afghan Poverty Deepens
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Over 500 at-risk Afghans transferred to Germany in nearly two years

June 24, 2024

Fidel Rahmati

Khaama Press

German media reports that since the start of the program to accept at-risk Afghans into Germany, 530 individuals have been transferred to the country.

According to reports, the number of Afghan admissions through this program has been limited due to security checks, which began in August 2022.

German media, quoting a spokesperson for the Interior Ministry, wrote that Germany intends to transfer one thousand at-risk Afghans to the country monthly through this acceptance program.

These reports indicate that the program was launched in August 2021, with only 13 Afghan entries recorded in the Interior Ministry since August last year.

The at-risk Afghan acceptance program includes individuals vulnerable to Taliban persecution, torture, or harassment or those endangered due to their previous work in critical areas such as justice, education, or politics.

The discussion around accepting at-risk Afghans into Germany comes amid concerns over the increasing presence of Afghan migrants accused of crimes in the country.

Recently, Nancy Faeser, Germany’s Interior Minister, stated, “We are working hard to ensure that we can once again deport dangerous Islamists and violent criminals to Afghanistan.”

Amid heightened concerns over national security, Germany has intensified efforts to deport criminal refugees, including Afghans, back to Afghanistan. This initiative comes in response to increased incidents of attacks involving knives, prompting authorities to prioritize national safety.

The humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan has exacerbated the challenges faced by Afghan migrants in Germany. As the Taliban regime tightens its grip on power, reports of persecution and worsening conditions for civilians have raised alarm globally.

Over 500 at-risk Afghans transferred to Germany in nearly two years
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UN spokesperson says women’s rights will be highlighted at Doha meeting

June 24, 2024
Khaama Press

A UN spokesperson said on Sunday that the aim of the Doha meetings is to “encourage the Taliban to engage with the world in a coordinated and orderly manner for the benefit of the Afghan people.”

Stéphane Dujarric, the UN spokesperson, said on Sunday, June 23, that human rights, especially women’s rights, “will be highlighted in all discussions at the Doha meeting.”

Dujarric emphasized that the Doha meetings are “part of a process and not a one-time event” and that women and Afghan civil society will continue to be part of this process.

The Taliban will send their representatives to Qatar next week for a two-day meeting in Doha, which will include senior UN officials and special representatives from 25 countries for Afghanistan.

This is the third UN-led meeting and the first to include Taliban officials, but the exclusion of women and civil society representatives from the main meeting has sparked widespread criticism.

Tirana Hassan, executive director of Human Rights Watch, told Reuters that “excluding women [from the Doha meeting] risks legitimizing the Taliban and causing irreparable harm to the UN’s credibility as a defender of women’s rights and meaningful participation.”

Agnes Callamard, Secretary-General of Amnesty International, stated that “marginalizing important discussions on human rights is unacceptable and sets a very damaging precedent” regarding the third Doha meeting.

Rosemary DiCarlo, the UN’s political affairs chief, and Rosa Otunbayeva, the UN special envoy to Afghanistan, are expected to meet separately with Afghan civil society groups after they meet with the Taliban.

Meanwhile, Otunbayeva stated that the Doha meeting will focus on the private sector and combating drug trafficking. She also mentioned that the upcoming meeting “has created significant expectations that realistically cannot be met in a single session.”

Critics have pointed out that the UN, by excluding women’s representatives and discussions on women’s rights from the upcoming Doha meeting, is overlooking the dire human rights situation in Afghanistan.

The absence of women’s voices in the meeting undermines efforts to address the severe restrictions imposed on women by the Taliban, who have banned women from most aspects of public life, including employment and education.

UN spokesperson says women’s rights will be highlighted at Doha meeting
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G7 countries oppose composition and agenda of third Doha meeting on Afghanistan: Report

June 24, 2024
Khaama Press

According to reports, G7 countries, including the US and UK, oppose the composition and agenda of the third Doha meeting.

Special representatives from some countries, including the US, might not attend the meeting, reports said.

On Monday, June 24, reports indicate that G7 members are dissatisfied with the performance of UNAMA chief Rosa Otunbayeva in Afghanistan, afintl.com reported.

Western countries’ disagreements extend beyond the composition and agenda of the third Doha meeting; they also want a special representative for Afghanistan appointed quickly and have asked the UN to expedite this.

The Taliban oppose the appointment of a new representative for Afghanistan.

The world’s seven largest economies have asked the UN to include Afghan women and civil society members in the Doha meetings and have protested their exclusion from next week’s meeting.

Some diplomats said Canada and France hold a “tougher stance” than other countries.

Sources indicate that some countries, including the US, are “not optimistic” about Rosa Otunbayeva’s activities as the UNAMA chief, suspecting she may be “aligned with Russia.”

However, Western countries, including G7 members, believe that finding a solution to Afghanistan’s current crisis is impractical without a special representative.

Reports indicate that Western diplomats will not attend the third Doha meeting at a high level, similar to the second round. The UN had previously confirmed that Secretary-General António Guterres will not participate in the third Doha meeting.

meanwhile, António Guterres is “tired” of the Afghanistan issue. According to UN officials, the third Doha meeting will be chaired by Rosemary DiCarlo, the UN Deputy Secretary-General.

Previously, a US State Department spokesperson said that Thomas West and Rina Amiri, US special representatives, do not plan to attend the third Doha meeting.

Since the Taliban took power, the human rights situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated significantly. Restrictions on women’s education, employment, and freedom of movement have been severe.

The humanitarian crisis has worsened, with millions facing food insecurity and inadequate healthcare. The international community continues to express concern over the lack of fundamental rights and the dire living conditions in Afghanistan.

G7 countries oppose composition and agenda of third Doha meeting on Afghanistan: Report
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