Afghan Farmers Are Collateral Damage in the Taliban’s War on Drugs

BADAKHSHAN, Afghanistan — For the past decade, Asadullah’s poppy fields offered his family something rare in Afghanistan: a reliable income.

That stability came to an abrupt end in May, when Taliban officials walked through his fields here in northeastern Afghanistan, cutting down his opium-producing flowers. It was part of a far-reaching crackdown that has ended the country’s status as the world’s top producer of the narcotic while upending the lives of the hardscrabble farmers who depend on it.

“We cultivated opium because of poverty and necessity,” said Asadullah, who is known only by his given name as is common in rural Afghanistan. “Half a kilo of opium is worth 100 seers (700 kilograms) of wheat. Now, the Taliban came and destroyed it by force.”

Afghanistan was once the world’s largest opium producer and a key cog in the global drug trade. In 2009, an estimated 90 percent of the world’s heroin was sourced from Afghan poppies.

But the situation changed dramatically when Taliban authorities announced a sweeping ban on poppy cultivation in 2022, a year after the group returned to power in Kabul as U.S. forces ended their 20-year occupation. The Taliban said the ban is for religious reasons, part of its strict Islamic worldview that forbids narcotics. But analysts point out that it’s also meant to help gain international legitimacy, unlock foreign aid and win sanctions relief.

A Holdout Province

The Taliban’s anti-drug campaign has been strikingly successful: opium production has collapsed by more than 95 percent. But Badakhshan, a remote and mountainous province that has typically been difficult to control from Kabul, has proven more challenging.

Taliban officials said they have razed 4,000 hectaresof poppy fields across Badakhshan since May. Many farmers in the area not only continue to defy the nationwide ban but have also tried to produce more.

“A very large amount has been cultivated [in Badakhshan]. Compared to previous years, cultivation has increased fivefold,” said Abdullah Habib, a Taliban official tasked with destroying poppy fields in the province.

The surge is likely being driven by economics as much as defiance. After the Taliban announced the 2022 ban, the average price for one kilogram of opium rose from$100 to more than $700 in some areas.

“We aim to reduce [poppy cultivation] to zero,” Habib said, adding that around 1,500 people have been deployed to oversee their destruction. Indeed, here in Badakhshan, it has become common to see Taliban officials moving through fields of colorful flowers, slashing them down with sickles and heavy sticks.

As Asadullah’s predicament illustrates, thousands of families depend on this crop for everything–daily expenses, healthcare and children’s education. Switching from poppies to any other crop means a sharp fall in income.

Qurban Ali is another small farmer who has spent the past decade cultivating poppies. This year, he cobbled together $2,000 to spend on the plants, expecting a hefty return on his investment—until his crop was destroyed. Now, he fears he will be reduced to a daily wage laborer, a prospect that means scraping by with $5 or $10 a day doing menial jobs like construction work or street vending.

Bashir Ahmed, another farmer, said that the real problem is that the Taliban hasn’t focused on assistance for poppy cultivators to transition to other livelihoods.

“If alternative cultivation and work opportunities are provided for our people, we will definitely stop cultivating poppies,” he said. “Poor farmers have not benefited from this; the biggest profits go to traffickers.”

Prohibition and Profit

Poppy cultivation has a long and tortuous history in Afghanistan. It has been alternately banned and utilized by the Taliban, not to mention other Afghan militias, to fund their war efforts.

The Taliban initially outlawed poppy production in July 2000, during their first stint in power. The measure was effective, but cultivation bounced back after the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan and the installation of a new government backed by Washington.

Between 2002 and 2021, the United States spent roughly $9 billion on a counternarcotics campaign to fight the Taliban, which was using the proceeds from the illicit trade to finance their years-long insurgency against the U.S.

“We cultivated opium because of poverty and necessity… Now, the Taliban came and destroyed it by force.”


Despite those efforts, poppy farming persisted. According to a report by the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime, the Taliban made an estimated $61 million to $113 million in 2019 alone by taxing the opium trade.

Then, they banned it once again after returning to power.

The Cost of the Crackdown

The cash crop’s sudden disappearance has wreaked havoc on farmers. A year after the ban, in 2023, agricultural income fell more than 92 percent, from an estimated $1.36 billion to $110 million, according to a U.N. survey.

“Afghanistan’s people need urgent humanitarian assistance to meet their most immediate needs, to absorb the shock of lost income and to save lives,” Ghada Waly, the executive director of the U.N. drugs and crime office, said at the time. “Afghanistan is in dire need of strong investment in sustainable livelihoods, to provide Afghan farmers with opportunities away from opium.”

Still, social activists have championed the Taliban’s strict implementation of the ban, saying it was long overdue. They point to the major health crisis the illicit drug trade had created inside the country. According to a U.N. report from 2010, at the height of opium production, some 1 million Afghans, or 8 percent of the population, suffered from drug addiction, mostly opium and heroin. That figure was twice the global average at the time.

The problem hasn’t entirely gone away. A February 2026 UN report found that opium is still perceived as the second-most used drug in the country after cannabis, suggesting overall drug use remains high.

“In recent years, many young people have turned to using drugs, and the main reason was the increase in poppy cultivation,” said Ahmed Javid, an activist in Badakhshan.

Alongside the fight against illicit narcotics, he emphasized that farmers should be given alternative economic opportunities.

“The government must stop cultivation; however, it should provide alternative cultivation opportunities for farmers, irrigate agricultural lands, and implement more development projects so that job opportunities are created for people,” Javid said.

Taliban officials claim they are creating new sources of income for the farmers.

“We are trying to provide job opportunities in the mining sector for farmers and people so that they do not cultivate narcotics anymore,” said Habib, the official charged with destroying poppy fields.

In February, the Afghan Ministry of Mines and Petroleum said that 100,000 people were employed by the mining sector in Badakhshan, working on various projects worth 223 million afghanis ($3.4 million). While those figures are difficult to verify, the World Bank has noted that employment in Afghanistan’s mining sector has grown at an annual rate of 15 percent.

But Asadullah said he had not heard of any job opportunities in the mining sector. His fields are now empty, and he cannot plant other crops without incurring a significant loss.

“The fields where we used to cultivate opium were completely destroyed,” he said. “We were promised that alternative cultivation would be provided for us, but nothing has been done. Regarding job opportunities in the mines, we have no information at all.”

“Where should poor people like us go?” he continued. “This was our only work, and they took it away from us.”

Abdullah Badakhsh is an Afghan journalist based in Badakhshan, northeastern Afghanistan. He covers security, development, social issues and the lives of communities in remote areas. He writes under a pen name due to restrictions on the press in Afghanistan.

This article has been produced in collaboration with Egab.

Afghan Farmers Are Collateral Damage in the Taliban’s War on Drugs
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UNAMA Calls for Global Engagement and Lifting Restrictions on Women

13 August 2026

The Islamic Emirate has also repeatedly called for greater engagement between the international community and Afghanistan.

On the fifth anniversary of the Islamic Emirate’s return to power, UNAMA has emphasized the need for continued principled and practical international engagement with Afghanistan, saying the country’s future depends on inclusive progress and sustained global cooperation.

The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said in a statement that Afghanistan has experienced a period of improved security, while calling on the Islamic Emirate to take steps toward ensuring lasting stability for the Afghan people.

Georgette Gagnon, Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and Officer-in-Charge of UNAMA, said: “Lasting peace and prosperity depend on more than the absence of conflict. Afghanistan’s future depends on building a society where the rights and potential of all Afghans are realized and institutions are accountable and responsible.”

Wahid Faqiri, an international relations analyst, said: “There is no doubt that the world wants to engage with Afghanistan. Pragmatic engagement means not leaving Afghanistan alone and helping it emerge from isolation, but to a large extent, this depends on Afghans themselves.”

UNAMA said restrictions imposed on women and girls, as well as continuing concerns over terrorism, remain among the major challenges to Afghanistan’s stability and development.

The mission added that since 2021, the United Nations has continued engaging with the Islamic Emirate authorities and supporting the Afghan people through humanitarian assistance, the provision of basic services, and political and human rights efforts.

UNAMA once again called on the Islamic Emirate to lift restrictions imposed on women.

Mumtaz Yousafzai, a women’s rights activist, said: “All security-related challenges have been resolved. Our only demand is that girls’ education should resume.”

Gul Mohammad Din Mohammadi, a political analyst, said: “The Islamic Emirate should work to resolve the existing problems, accept the legitimate demands of the people, and take action in the areas of education, health, and reducing unemployment.”

The Islamic Emirate has also repeatedly called for greater engagement between the international community and Afghanistan.

UNAMA Calls for Global Engagement and Lifting Restrictions on Women
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Malnutrition Crisis Deepens as Funding Cuts Close Nearly 600 Health Facilities in Afghanistan, Save the Children Says

Acute malnutrition among children in Afghanistan is worsening as humanitarian funding falls sharply, forcing the closure or suspension of hundreds of health facilities and leaving millions with reduced access to essential healthcare.

Save the Children said on Thursday, August 13, 2026, that nearly one in 10 children under five in Afghanistan is suffering from wasting, with acute malnutrition worsening in two-thirds of provinces compared with the same period last year.

The number of children under five affected by acute malnutrition has risen by 14% over four years to 3.7 million in 2026, according to figures cited by the aid agency and UN data. Infectious diseases, poor nutrition and wider humanitarian pressures are contributing to the deterioration.

At the same time, humanitarian funding has fallen from $3.27 billion in 2022 to about $1 billion in 2025. Only $438 million had been secured for 2026, leaving a 74% funding gap, Save the Children said.

The funding crisis has contributed to the closure or suspension of nearly 600 health facilities, affecting about four million people, around half of them children.

The impact is particularly severe in remote areas, where health facilities can be the only affordable source of treatment. Save the Children said one clinic in northern Afghanistan serves about 10,000 people and receives more than 100 patients a day, with some families walking for hours to reach it.

The crisis is also unfolding as Afghanistan faces a growing number of returnees from Pakistan and Iran, displacement, drought and other humanitarian pressures, further increasing demand for already limited health and nutrition services. UN analysis estimates nearly 3.7 million children aged 6–59 months will experience acute malnutrition during 2026.

Save the Children warned that continued funding shortages could reverse progress in child health and nutrition and leave vulnerable families without timely access to lifesaving services.

Malnutrition Crisis Deepens as Funding Cuts Close Nearly 600 Health Facilities in Afghanistan, Save the Children Says
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UNAMA: Afghanistan’s Security Gains Not Enough to Ensure Lasting Stability

Khaama Press

The security situation in Afghanistan has improved and armed conflict has declined since the Taliban returned to power five years ago, but the progress alone is not enough to ensure lasting stability, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said Thursday.

In a statement marking five years since the Taliban takeover, UNAMA said the reduction in violence has brought “tangible benefits” to many Afghans and created opportunities to focus on economic development, regional cooperation and other priorities.

The UN mission also identified the Taliban’s ban on opium poppy cultivation as a positive development. However, it said major political, human rights and security challenges remain unresolved.

UNAMA highlighted restrictions on women and girls, concerns over terrorism, limits on civic space and freedom of expression, and restrictions affecting female humanitarian and UN workers as among the challenges facing Afghanistan.

“Five years have shown that Afghans, after decades of war, place great value on peace and stability,” Georgette Gagnon, the UN deputy special representative for Afghanistan and acting head of UNAMA, said in the statement.

“But sustainable peace and prosperity require more than the absence of conflict,” Gagnon said, adding that Afghanistan’s future depends on building a society where the rights and potential of all Afghans can be realized and institutions are accountable.

The Taliban seized power in August 2021 after the previous Afghanistan government collapsed and the United States and NATO completed their military withdrawal following two decades of war. Since then, large-scale fighting has declined significantly in many parts of Afghanistan.

UNAMA said the reduction in violence has created opportunities for economic improvement and stronger regional cooperation. At the same time, it warned that restrictions on women and girls are having immediate and long-term social and economic consequences.

Under Taliban policies, women and girls have been barred from much of secondary and higher education and face extensive restrictions on employment and participation in public life. UNAMA said these restrictions also remain a major obstacle to broader international engagement and investment in Afghanistan.

Gagnon called on the Taliban to lift restrictions on women and girls and allow them to participate fully in education, employment and public life. She also urged the authorities to protect fundamental rights and freedoms and address international concerns over security and terrorism.

UNAMA said terrorism remains an unresolved challenge and that international concerns over terrorist threats continue to complicate Afghanistan’s relations with neighboring countries and the wider international community. The mission did not name a specific group or refer to a particular attack in the statement.

UNAMA: Afghanistan’s Security Gains Not Enough to Ensure Lasting Stability
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HRW Calls for Release of 8 UN and Aid Workers Detained in Afghanistan

Human Rights Watch (HRW) on Wednesday called for the release of eight employees of the United Nations and a nongovernmental organization who it says have been detained or forcibly disappeared in Afghanistan.

The rights group said six male employees of the Women and Children Research and Legal Protection Network, a nongovernmental organization involved in humanitarian assistance and supporting the rights of women and children, were forcibly disappeared from the organization’s office in Kabul last month.

HRW also called for the release of two Afghan employees of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), who the group said were detained by the Taliban authorities in the western city of Herat on Sunday.

The United Nations has confirmed the detention of the two UNAMA employees.

Farhan Haq, deputy spokesperson for the UN secretary-general, told reporters on Wednesday that UNAMA had not received information about the allegations against the two employees and had not been granted access to them.

“We have not received information about the allegations against them, nor have we been granted access to them,” Haq said, according to the UN.

Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Taliban authorities, told Reuters that he was seeking details about the recent detentions but had not yet received definitive information.

HRW called on the Taliban authorities to release the detained employees and provide information about the whereabouts and status of the six NGO workers it said had been forcibly disappeared.

Freshta Abbasi, Afghanistan researcher at HRW, said the detention of UNAMA employees threatens the United Nations’ ability to provide what the rights group described as vital assistance in Afghanistan.

The detentions come as humanitarian organizations continue operating in Afghanistan amid restrictions affecting civil society groups, aid workers and international organizations.

The cases involving the six NGO employees and the two UNAMA staff members have not been publicly explained in detail by the Taliban authorities in the material provided for this report. It is also unclear whether the eight cases are connected.

The United Nations has said that it expects its personnel in Afghanistan to be able to carry out their work safely and in accordance with applicable privileges and immunities.

HRW Calls for Release of 8 UN and Aid Workers Detained in Afghanistan
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Female Afghans Erased From Public Life in Five Years of Taliban Rule

By Ephrat Livni

The New York Times

August 13, 2026

Decrees restricting women’s rights to study, work, travel and act independently now threaten to damage Afghanistan permanently, experts say.

The Taliban regained control of Afghanistan five years ago this week, returning to power after two decades and restoring an Islamic government that had severely restricted women’s rights.

In those few years, women and girls have been systematically erased from most public life, experts say. And, some add, the limitations imposed on half the population could hobble Afghanistan far into the future.

The harsh restrictions on women and girls are a return to conditions that prevailed the previous time the Taliban controlled Afghanistan, in the late 1990s. More than 160 decrees have been issued targeting women and girls, barring them from secondary and higher education and restricting their employment, movement, dress, speech and decision-making.

“No other country in modern times has dismantled the rights of half its population through law, policy and practice to the same extent,” the United Nations agency on women said on Wednesday. “At the same time, overlapping humanitarian and economic crises and deepening poverty are also having a disproportionate impact on women and girls.”

The official restrictions have reinforced social pressures, and many women say their communities increasingly press them to conform, a new U.N. Women report found, based on recent surveys. “Half a decade of escalating restrictions has narrowed where Afghan women can go, what they can do and how they can live,” it said. “The results are alarming.”

The agency surveyed about 5,000 Afghans in rural and urban communities this past spring and last year, asking women and men about life under the Taliban. There were some similarities in the genders’ answers — but some very stark differences as well.

Many Afghans surveyed expressed disappointment with the course of their lives in recent years. Still, women reported levels of isolation and distress that suggest a growing mental health crisis, the U.N. report said.

More than half of men surveyed — about 55 percent — said their lives were worse than they had expected they would be before August 2021, compared with 65 percent of women who reported a similar sentiment. But their reasoning was starkly different.

Male respondents reported frustration with a lack of economic opportunities, while many women also blamed reduced access to education, for themselves or their children, and rules restricting women’s jobs and lives.

“By closing off education and many forms of employment, these restrictions compound the economic pressures already felt by most women,” the U.N. report said, noting the “profound personal toll” the situation has had on women in Afghanistan. Many women reported rising stress, worry and pressure, “consistent with wider evidence of deteriorating mental health,” it added.

The report highlights the isolation many Afghan women now experience as a result of the restrictions. A vast majority of the women surveyed — 90 percent — said they must have a male family member’s permission to leave the house. And more than half said they went out only once or twice a month. Among male survey respondents, more than 95 percent reported leaving their homes daily.

Women and girls’ adherence to the new Taliban rules is increasingly reinforced by people around them, like relatives and neighbors. The U.N. report noted that nearly 40 percent of women surveyed this year said they felt more pressure than before to tailor their behavior for fear that those they know will report them for inappropriate dress, speech or actions.

“The Taliban have extended state control deep into the private sphere by transforming patriarchal norms into legal obligations and conscripting families into the enforcement of their ideology,” Belquis Ahmadi, a human rights lawyer and expert on Afghanistan, formerly at the United States Institute of Peace, wrote in a recent report on Taliban rule.

Human rights experts say that the crisis for women in Afghanistan has reached a critical point.

Afghanistan is the only country in the world to formally prohibit access to education for girls and women beyond the primary level. The longer women and girls are excluded from schools, institutions and public life, the more entrenched the restrictive system becomes, the further behind they fall and the fewer models there are, making their ability to recover ever less likely, jeopardizing the country’s long-term prospects.

“As a new generation of girls grows without an education, their future becomes increasingly dark,” UNESCO wrote in a statement this week, calling for the full restoration of the right to education for Afghan girls and women.

Ms. Ahmadi wrote in her analysis, “Behind every Taliban decree is a human story: a university student packing away her books, a teacher dismissed from the profession she loves, a judge forced into hiding, a doctor prevented from treating patients, an entrepreneur closing her business, or a young girl asking her parents why she is no longer allowed to learn while her brother walks freely to school.”

She argues that the international community must speak up for the silenced.

“The greatest danger facing Afghanistan today is not only that 20 million women and girls are being systematically erased from public life,” Ms. Ahmadi wrote. “It is that the world is slowly learning to live with it.”

Ephrat Livni is a Times reporter covering news around the world. She is based in New York.

Female Afghans Erased From Public Life in Five Years of Taliban Rule
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Under the Taliban, Afghanistan is, for once, peaceful

The Economist

HERAT, KANDAHAR AND KABUL

August 13, 2026

Five years after America left

Also very hungry, poor and repressed

THE cafés on foreign-ministry road in the heart of Kabul’s government district used to blare out Afghan pop to attract a gossipy crowd of civil servants. No music comes from them now—or from anywhere else. It is banned. Men bustle along the street in traditional shalwar kameez, sporting long beards. Where a colourful mural used to be there is now a giant slogan in Dari, the local dialect of Persian: “There is no god but Allah”. Next to it a man in black fatigues lounges in the turret of a captured American Humvee, fondling a machinegun and keeping a lazy eye on the lunchtime traffic.

On August 15th it will be five years since the Taliban swept back into Kabul. For 20 years they had been fighting against the government, its American backers and some of America’s allies. The war began in 2001, when America toppled the Taliban’s first government because it had provided sanctuary to the terrorists who planned the attacks of September 11th. By the time it ended in 2021 it had become the longest America has ever waged. The regime America had backed collapsed like a house of cards as the superpower turned tail. The Taliban returned with a free hand.

Travelling from Herat, in the west of the country, to Kandahar, in the south, and on to Kabul in the east shows how they have secured their grip. On the 1,000km trip your correspondent saw the black-and-white Taliban flag flying in town squares and in fields of wheat, at roundabouts and remote checkpoints, on the desks of university professors and in the boardrooms of CEOs.

Tired of war, Afghans have welcomed peace. Cities which used to ring to the blasts of suicide-bombers feel surprisingly calm. “This is the second summer that birds have returned to Kabul,” says a former government official, pointing up to the trees in his garden.

The observation suggests that wildlife is more easily reconciled to the new situation than international opinion. Though various countries have embassies in Kabul, only one foreign government—Russia’s—recognises the Islamic Emirate. The Taliban control ministries, taxes, borders and the army, but are shut out of the global financial system because many cabinet members remain under sanction as terrorists. Their grotesque ban on education for girls over 12 cements their outcast status.

The Taliban have established a reasonably stable peace and are running a modern state much better than they did in the 1990s. Then their leaders knew little of life beyond their Pashtun villages in the south of the country. Now many have seen the wider world, in particular the Gulf states where many spent time during the war.

But they have no way to court investment. And both economic and military power is increasingly being consolidated around Haibatullah Akhundzada, the emir, who governs not from comparatively cosmopolitan Kabul but from the Pashtun city of Kandahar. He is, even by Taliban standards, extraordinarily extreme.

Stability after decades of war is not nothing. But Mr Akhundzada’s government does not offer the country’s fast-growing population of 45m—almost two-thirds of whom were not yet born in 2001—anything that remotely resembles a path to prosperity. Many of them find their lives getting worse in material terms. All of them—especially the women—have had freedoms curtailed (people inside the country mostly spoke to The Economist only on condition of anonymity). They constantly weigh small freedoms against the risk of punishment.

The Taliban government has some resources. It has preserved much of Kabul’s professionalised bureaucracy along with the computer systems that deal with taxation, borders and customs (though in June the emir banned the use of smartphones in government offices). Some officials chose to flee. But there was no great purge; more than half the republic’s civil servants remain, according to people in and around the government. Continuity of expertise helped the central bank to preserve the strength of the Afghani and keep inflation under control.

You have no power here!

The government now takes in around $4bn in taxes and other revenues each year, according to the World Bank, almost 60% more than in 2020. The increase came from raising duties and cutting graft. In its latter years the previous government had become so corrupt that it “rotted from the inside”, says a minister who was part of it and who still lives in Kabul. Afghans say that the low-level extortion which was then a part of daily life is now largely gone.

The growth in revenues, though, is smaller than the fall in aid. Humanitarian and development aid ran at around $4bn in 2020. When the Taliban took power, aid to the government cratered, but much of the harm was offset by an increase in humanitarian assistance through other channels. That has now been cut too. In 2025 it was just $1.2bn; this year’s figure will be lower, probably a lot lower. The country’s hospitals and clinics are thus being defunded, as the government has cut money for health and welfare in order to spend fully half of its revenue on security.

Five years in, Taliban ministers reportedly say in private that they remain “in a control situation”, which means security is paramount. They have got results. Last year fewer than 100 civilians were killed in terrorist attacks, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, which collects such data (see chart). The government has clamped down on the once fearsome Islamic State Khorasan Province. Al-Qaeda has wound down its operations in the country. In July opposition groups mounted a string of attacks and claimed to have killed more than 20 Taliban fighters. Such resistance might grow. But the attacks were small and easily quelled.

There has been one significant exception to the crackdown on terrorist groups—at least, so the Pakistani government says. A group with a presence in Afghanistan called the Pakistani Taliban carries out attacks in Pakistan. Pakistan accuses the Taliban government of sheltering the group, and its air force has struck targets inside Afghanistan. Pakistan has also closed the border between the two countries. That has raised food prices in Afghanistan and closed off access to export markets and medical treatment.

In reducing Afghanistan’s violence, the Taliban have one huge advantage: they do not have to fight the Taliban, who used to perpetrate most of it. This irony does not undercut the benefit to the general public. Afghans are quick to say what a difference peace has made: farmers can get their goods to market; boys (and, when allowed, girls) can walk to school; taking long drives to visit family or see the country are no longer an aberrant choice.

There is, though, a price paid through repression. The security forces respond brutally to any open dissent. In a recent visit to Herat, which has large Tajik and Shia Muslim populations, a government minister singled out the police there as an example to others, according to two locals briefed on the discussion. The exemplary work he was praising was the suppression of a protest in June by women angry at a crackdown by the vice-and-virtue police. Many protesters were beaten. One teenager was shot dead.

What the government does not spend on men with machineguns appears to go on motorways and mosques. Major cities are still, for the most part, linked by two-lane, occasionally rocky roads. But on the drive from Kandahar to Kabul you will enjoy bursts of freshly laid asphalt. Mosques are being built every 70km or so, by decree.

In Kabul roads are being widened, and private residential construction is rising, much of it financed by the diaspora for relatives who remain. Elsewhere the government is investing in canals, gas pipelines and solar parks, and handing out licences for mining gold, copper and lithium, mostly in the north of the country. Abdul Qahar Balkhi, a spokesperson for the ministry of foreign affairs, says the Taliban’s vision is to turn Afghanistan into a “space of positive competition”. If peace holds, he and his colleagues argue, surely Afghanistan will begin to prosper.

Behind the moon, beyond the rain

If so, it has a very long way to go. The country’s GDP per person fell sharply after the Taliban came to power. At purchasing-power parity it is now just $2,300, roughly what it was in the mid-2000s (see chart). Only a handful of mostly conflict-ridden countries in sub-Saharan Africa are worse off. Many Afghans are hungry. Prolonged drought makes food scarce; there are long queues at wells in Kabul. “Lots of children we encounter are living on bread and tea,” says one of the reduced band of aid workers.

In Sarobi, a mud-brick town set among scattered villages in the mountains east of Kabul, locals say that they have only just enough food. A lot of people are getting into debt to survive. “We have peace, but our pockets are empty,” says Razi Khan, a village elder. For many households the most pressing problem is a lack of work. Hassan, a 25-year-old who was a soldier in the previous government’s army, has been looking for a job since the Taliban returned to power. What jobs there are—like labouring on a local solar project—require vetting by a Taliban commander, he adds.

These problems have been worsened by the forced return of some 6m Afghans, many penniless, from Pakistan and Iran. “It has put severe strain on the resources of a country that was already close to the edge,” says Arafat Jamal of UNHCR, the UN’s refugee agency. Most of those pushed out by Iran hail from poor villages in the north of Afghanistan, which for years have survived on seasonal fruit-picking work across the border.

Though many Afghans have grown inured to conditions of poverty and hardship, there is one topic about which they express bitter disappointment: education. Between 2001 and 2021 school enrolment rose, particularly in cities. It was far from universal—the current literacy rate is just 37%—but parents had begun to see boys and girls going to school as the norm.

The Taliban’s ban on girls’ secondary education is thus opposed by the vast majority of Afghans—and by most Talibs, according to a lot of people The Economist talked to. There is nothing most of them can do about it. But the authorities in some cities have created a workaround for some of the better-off by issuing licences for madrasas, or religious schools, to educate girls over 12 as well as boys.

In a converted three-storey house in Kabul with small, ramshackle classrooms and moth-eaten carpets, the principal of one such institution says he is educating 600 girls. The standard fee is 1,000 Afghanis ($15.20) a month (some poorer families pay less), for which the girls get four hours of teaching by female teachers six days a week. The girls wear black abayas and purple headscarves. The four 16- and 17-year-olds who told your correspondent how happy they were to be back in school did so through covid-style masks, because women’s mouths must be covered.

Technically, the whole enterprise is above board. Still, everyone speaks in hushed tones, as if talking about it—in particular the fact that it is not a strictly Islamic education—might make it vanish. The girls say that the school is better than the public ones they went to before 2021. They are pleased that they get to study math, science, geography and English (which they all speak well) as well as Islamic studies, which they enjoy.

Because of the horrible things he does

One, Diwa, says she is sorry many of her friends cannot afford to attend. They all say they are frustrated that they will not be allowed to make much of the precarious education they are getting. “We don’t want to just sit at home and raise children, or be a teacher in an Islamic school,” says Nadia. “That was not our dream.”

The chief canceller of dreams is the man in Kandahar whom some diplomats in Kabul call the Wizard of Oz. Mr Akhundzada, who is thought to be around 60, does not, as far as is known, stay hidden behind a curtain, but he is very rarely seen in public; the most recent verified photos of him were taken decades ago. A former cleric and sharia judge, during the war he championed the Taliban’s shift towards suicide-bombing, allowing one of his sons thus to murder people in 2017.

Mr Akhundzada has imposed a version of sharia law that vanishingly few other Muslims would seek to justify, one which includes strict sex segregation, strong dress codes and the erasure of women from public life. His broadcast speeches make clear that he sees women’s rights, and non-religious education for anyone, as the work of Satan. “He thinks the outside world is essentially poisoned, and is taking Afghans away from the path of sharia and God,” says a diplomatic source in Kabul. “His view is basically ‘switch it off’.” Adam Weinstein of the Quincy Institute, a think-tank, argues that the Kandahari faction may believe that more aid and foreign investment would only strengthen the influence of its rivals. Harsh decrees and isolation, on the other hand, help make clear, and thus maintain, the emir’s iron grip.

They are not the only tools to that end. The emir has made sure that ministers in Kabul have deputies who report to him. He directs the white-robed vice-and-virtue police, the regime’s primary mechanism of social and institutional control. Bypassing the finance ministry in Kabul, he has established control over some revenues from mining. And in the past six months, arguing that tensions with Pakistan require it, he has built up a force of 8,000 fighters in Kandahar that sits outside the army’s chain of command and has a strong whiff of the praetorian about it.

There were sincere hopes that the return would not go Mr Akhundzada’s way. Many of the moderate Talibs now based in Kabul believed that the second emirate could emulate the shining examples of Islamic modernisation they had seen in the Gulf without sacrificing their beliefs. For a time there were rumours that less reactionary figures—notably Sirajuddin Haqqani, the interior minister and leader of a powerful faction—would challenge the emir. Now unhappy Talibs have closed ranks, perhaps unsure that they can win, perhaps because whatever concerns they have come second to remaining in power.

There is thus no obvious alternative to more regressive policies and further isolation. The state of health care shows what that costs. The Taliban have insisted on segregating male and female patients and doctors, have pushed female doctors out and have prevented women from undertaking medical training. The result has been predictable: a chronic lack of care for women. A survey by Refugees International, a charity, found that maternal mortality in Herat in the first half of 2026 was five times higher than in the same period the year before.

Another indicator is emigration. A professor whose entire faculty has been cleared of women (and whose educated wife is unable to work) says that regressive policies have already caused a huge brain drain. Unless they change, that draining will speed up. “We have stayed, hoping things would get better, but soon we will start trying to leave,” says the professor. Though Iran has turned hostile towards Afghan migrants, many Afghans are still attempting to escape across the Margo desert. Marg is the Persian word for death, and the landscape meets its billing.

But if some leave, most have no choice but to stay. Some Talibs still insist that things will ease up in time. But many Afghans feel impatient. “It has been five years,” says Diwa, the student. “We don’t want to wait.” ■

Under the Taliban, Afghanistan is, for once, peaceful
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Half of Afghan women rarely leave home as Taliban restrictions deepen, UN agency says

Olivia Le Poidevin

Reuters

  • Over half of women surveyed by UN leave home no more than twice monthly
  • Afghanistan the only country banning girls from secondary school and women from university
  • Seven in 10 women rate their mental health bad or very ​bad, UN Women says
GENEVA, Aug 12 (Reuters) – Half of Afghan women now leave their ‌homes only once or twice a month as Taliban-imposed restrictions curtail their freedom of movement and participation in public life, according to data released by U.N. Women on Wednesday.
As the Taliban prepare to mark the fifth anniversary of their return to power this ​week, Afghanistan remains the only country in the world to ban girls from secondary education and women ​from attending university, stated the U.N. agency, which promotes gender equality.
The Taliban-run Ministry for the ​Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, which enforces many of the government’s rules on women, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The government’s chief spokesman, Zabihullah Mujahid, also did not immediately respond.
The Taliban have barred an estimated 2.4 million ​Afghan girls from secondary education since they regained power in Afghanistan in 2021, the United Nations Educational, Scientific ​and Cultural Organization said on Tuesday.
U.N. Women said the Taliban authorities have issued more than 100 decrees targeting women and girls ‌since taking ⁠power, institutionalising discrimination and deepening what it described as the world’s most severe women’s rights crisis.
The Taliban argue they respect women’s rights in accordance with their interpretation of Islamic law and Afghan culture.
More than half of women surveyed by the U.N. agency reported leaving home twice a month or less, while nearly three-quarters said they felt unsafe ​going out without a ​male guardian, known as a ⁠mahram.
The restrictions have also fuelled a worsening mental health crisis, according to the U.N. agency. Seven in 10 women described their mental health as “bad” or “very bad”, citing isolation, ​loss of opportunities and limited access to support networks.
The agency warned that recent ​decrees had further ⁠weakened women’s legal protections. Measures introduced this year abolished legal equality between men and women before the law, strengthened men’s authority within marriage and made it more difficult for women to seek divorce, it said
.
Women also remain largely excluded ⁠from the ​economy. Only 7% of women are employed compared with 84% of ​men, according to the U.N. Women report.
The agency said its report was based on a door-to-door survey of 2,190 people in February to March ​2025 and telephone surveys of 2,811 people conducted in April to May 2026.
Half of Afghan women rarely leave home as Taliban restrictions deepen, UN agency says
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Mujahid Responds to UNAMA: Security Forces ‘Accountable’ for Their Actions

Mujahid also attributed Afghanistan’s current security situation to the efforts of the Islamic Emirate’s security forces.

Following a new UNAMA report on transparency and accountability in Afghanistan’s security institutions, the Islamic Emirate says the Islamic Emirate’s security forces are accountable for their actions.

The Islamic Emirate’s spokesperson says there may be problems in some cases, but stressed that the security forces are accountable and that the Islamic Emirate is working to strengthen accountability within security institutions.

Mujahid also attributed Afghanistan’s current security situation to the efforts of the Islamic Emirate’s security forces.

Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate, said: “Yes, we are making every effort to ensure that security institutions are always accountable, that people’s concerns are addressed, and that the duties assigned to them are carried out properly. There may have been some problems, but overall, we are confident that the security forces are accountable and address all matters assigned to them. The security we have today is the result of the efforts of Afghanistan’s security forces.”

However, in its 28-page report released yesterday, UNAMA expressed concern over continuing gaps in transparency and accountability within Afghanistan’s security institutions.

UNAMA also raised concerns about the authority of military courts to try civilians.

The mission said that under international human rights standards, civilians should ordinarily be tried before independent civilian courts.

Khalil Ahmad Nadem, a legal analyst, said: “In any case, there needs to be transparency. Security institutions must be accountable, and the public should know how a person is being tried and whether the trial is fair.”

UNAMA called on the relevant authorities to strengthen professional standards of conduct for security forces and make reporting of violations mandatory.

Meanwhile, the Islamic Emirate has not yet provided further details regarding the section of UNAMA’s report concerning the jurisdiction of military courts.

Mujahid Responds to UNAMA: Security Forces ‘Accountable’ for Their Actions
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Merz’s deal with the Taliban alarms Afghan dissidents in Germany

By NETTE NÖSTLINGER
in Berlin

Politico

12 August 2026

Under pressure from the rising far right, Germany is letting Taliban officials staff Afghan missions in exchange for more deportations. Afghan activists say the arrangement puts them at risk.

Illustration by Arnau Busquets Guàrdia/POLITICO

Zarmina Paryani and her four sisters fear they may soon have to again face the persecutors they fled from in Afghanistan — and this time inside Germany.

Paryani and her sisters were imprisoned twice in Kabul for protesting against the Taliban after the Afghan militants retook the capital in 2021, the 27-year-old said. After going into hiding for several months, the family eventually made their way to Germany in search of safe haven.

But now, Berlin has struck a Faustian bargain that allows the Taliban to deepen its diplomatic foothold in Germany in return for cooperation on deporting Afghan migrants back to Afghanistan. For Paryani and other Afghan activists who resisted the Taliban at home, the arrangement is giving their former persecutors new leverage over their lives in exile.“It’s hard to accept that my fate and my affairs are being discussed with the very same representatives whose oppression, prisons, whippings and violence I fled from,” Paryani, who worked as a midwife in Kabul and now lives in western Germany, told POLITICO.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s government first struck a deal with the Afghan government announced last October that gives Taliban officials control of diplomatic missions in Berlin and Bonn in exchange for permission to return Afghan migrants directly to Afghanistan. That cooperation was deepened early this summer with a deal that allows more Taliban officials to work in Germany in return for cooperation on additional deportation flights — now up to three per month.

Under the new deal, Germany has expanded deportations to include not only Afghan men convicted of crimes, but also, more broadly, Afghan men with no protected status or legal right to remain in Germany.

The agreement with the Taliban makes Germany an outlier in Europe, making it the first EU country to allow Taliban-appointed officials to work in diplomatic missions inside the country. Before the agreement, Western-oriented Afghan officials representing the former government in Afghanistan had remained in charge.

The arrangement comes as Merz’s government grapples with rock-bottom approval ratings and the rise of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, now the country’s most popular political force, according to polls. The AfD’s surge comes ahead of two elections in the former East Germany, where the far-right party is ahead in polls by wide margins. In one of those states, Saxony-Anhalt, the party may take real governing power for the first time since it was founded in 2013, a result that would serve as a great humiliation for the conservative Merz, who was elected chancellor last year partly on a promise to crack down on migration.

The AfD’s rise is piling pressure on the chancellor to deliver on his election pledge to deport more migrants — even as he insists that working with the Taliban does not legitimize a regime notorious for its human rights abuses. Overall, Afghans are the third-largest group of refugees or people who have fled war to come to Germany, behind Ukrainians and Syrians.

“We are not extending a hand to this Taliban regime,” Merz said in the German parliament in June. “Rather, we are seeking cooperation at the necessary technical level, which is in our country’s national interest.”

‘Nightmares’ and ‘psychological distress’

For Afghan rights activists in Germany, one of the worst consequences of Berlin’s deal with the Taliban is that it may particularly put at risk some 35,000 Afghans who came to Germany under special humanitarian programs for people deemed especially vulnerable to the Taliban. They include Paryani and her sisters in addition to thousands of human rights activists and Afghans who worked with the German military during its nearly two-decade presence in the country.

Paryani and others fear they will have to face the Taliban when attempting to renew their Afghan passports — which they need to extend their humanitarian visas — at Afghan diplomatic missions. Another 321,000 Afghans live in Germany as refugees or with other forms of protected status. They do not necessarily need Afghan passports, unless they want to apply for a permanent residence status.

More generally, activists and refugees also fear the Taliban, with their growing presence in Germany, could gain access to personal information held in databases in German missions, including details about their families, making them susceptible to blackmail and extortion.

“Given my personal history and my stance on extremism, I am concerned for my safety and that of my family,” one former teacher from Afghanistan granted anonymity due to his fear of retribution from the Taliban told POLITICO.

The former teacher, who lives in Germany with a humanitarian visa, said German immigration officials have asked him to renew his expired Afghan passport, a request that he fears will force him to deal directly with his persecutors.

“This situation continues to cause me significant psychological distress,” he said. “Sometimes I wake up at night because of nightmares related to the Taliban and this situation.”

‘Vulnerable to blackmail’

With its handling of the Taliban, Merz’s government is setting a precedent that will be closely watched by other EU countries. Government officials in Austria and Belgium have said they’re watching Germany’s cooperation with the Taliban closely. Taliban officials also held talks focused on deportations with the EU Commission in June in Brussels.

But Hamid Nangialay Kabiri, the former head of the Afghan consulate in Bonn, who quit last September in protest over the initial deal allowing Taliban officials to serve in diplomatic missions in Germany, warned that the German government’s decision to cooperate with the Afghan regime would come back to haunt it — and that the Taliban would use their new leverage over Germany to advance their interests in Europe, including by building networks that intimidate dissidents.

“They are destroying my country, and now they are coming here,” he said. “They are not thinking of diplomacy. They have a lot of plans in their mind.”

It’s a sentiment politicians inside the left-leaning opposition also share.

“The German government has made itself vulnerable to blackmail,” Schahina Gambir, a lawmaker for the Greens who was born in Kabul, told POLITICO. “We’re seeing recognition through the back door. The Taliban are being granted access to embassies, they’re being granted immunity, they’re given channels for dialogue — and at the same time, the situation for women and girls in Afghanistan is getting worse and worse.”

There are already signs that the Taliban are exercising their newfound leverage.

Last May, Kabul unexpectedly halted a deportation flight at the last minute, seemingly seeking to extract additional concessions from the German government. A couple of weeks later, Berlin announced the terms of the latest agreement allowing additional Taliban-appointed officials to work at diplomatic missions in Germany.

Officials in Berlin depicted the new deal as a victory and a practical necessity, allowing for more deportations.

“To increase the number of repatriations, more passports must be issued, more identities must be verified, and so on,” Martin Giese, a spokesperson for Germany’s foreign ministry, said at the time. “To this end, it will also be necessary for more consular officials to be involved.”

But Paryani, the Afghan midwife who fled to Germany with her four sisters, said the Taliban would use their new power to torment them in the country they had sought safety in.

“A Taliban member once wrote to me: ‘Just wait until our embassy in Germany reopens. Then we’ll find you there,’” she said of a comment that had surfaced under one of her social media posts about two years ago. She then deemed it irrelevant because it seemed so unrealistic.

“Today, I feel as though that threat has become a reality,” she said.

Merz’s deal with the Taliban alarms Afghan dissidents in Germany
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