Far From Kabul, Building a New Life, With Music and Hope

The New York Times

The students of the Afghanistan National Institute of Music fled after the Taliban seized power. Now they are trying to remake their school, and their dreams, in Portugal.

LISBON — On some nights, when her dorm room here turns dark and the church bells stop ringing, the young trumpet player thinks about the distant afternoon when her uncle took her to the graveyard to gather stones.

That was in Afghanistan, in the chaotic days after the United States withdrew last year and the Taliban reasserted control. Her uncle had insisted that they pay respects at the family cemetery before they packed their bags with walnuts and spices and books of poems by Rumi, before they began their lives as refugees.

Standing by the graves, she watched as her uncle closed his eyes and listened to the wind. The ancestors, he said, were displeased with their decision to leave Afghanistan. Even the stones, he said, seemed to speak, urging them to stay.

Zohra Ahmadi, 13, could not hear the voices her uncle described. But as she scooped rocks and soil from the cemetery into a plastic container, following her uncle’s instructions, she said she heeded his words, and vowed one day to return.

On a sweltering May morning, when the sun had already melted buckets of ice at the seafood market and the priests at Nossa Senhora da Ajuda church were just beginning their morning verses, a series of unfamiliar sounds emanated from the top of a former military hospital in western Lisbon.

The strumming of a sitar, the pounding of tablas, the plucking of a violin — these were coming from the hospital, now the makeshift home of the Afghanistan National Institute of Music. More than two dozen of its young musicians had gathered for one of their first rehearsals since arriving as refugees in December.

Under the American-backed government in Kabul, the institute, which opened in 2010, had flourished, becoming a symbol of Afghanistan’s changing identity. It was a rare coeducational establishment in a country where boys and girls were often kept separate. While many programs focused exclusively on Afghan culture or Western music, it embraced both, preparing hundreds of young artists, many of them orphans and street hawkers, for careers in the performing arts.

The Taliban had long treated it as a threat. Fearing for their safety, more than 250 students and teachers as well as their relatives, fled Afghanistan and sought shelter abroad in the months after the American withdrawal, eventually arriving in Portugal, where they were all granted asylum. In their absence, the Taliban commandeered the institute, damaging instruments and turning classrooms into offices and dorms.

As students prepared to make music that morning, Ahmad Naser Sarmast, the school’s leader, spoke about the role they could play in countering the Taliban, a presence even in the rehearsal room, with news of starvation, violence and persecution back home lighting up the students’ phones.

“We can show the world a different Afghanistan,” said Sarmast, who was wounded by a Taliban suicide bomber who infiltrated a school play in 2014. “We will show how we can raise the voices of our people. We will show where we stand.”

The students readied their instruments. First, they played a popular Afghan song, “Sarzamin-e Man,” or “My Homeland.” Then they turned to a new work, “A Land Out of Earth?” written by a conductor of the orchestra, Mohammad Qambar Nawshad. He explained the inspiration for his piece: Aug. 15, 2021, the day the Taliban seized Kabul. He had stayed home, scared and shaking.

“That was the day everyone left us alone, and we were in the hands of evil,” he said. “There was no longer any guarantee that a team of Taliban would not come search for each of us and kill us.”

He lifted his arms, locked eyes with the students, and the room filled with the sounds of violin and sitar.

First, it was the music of Tchaikovsky that captured Zohra’s imagination: the Neapolitan Dance from “Swan Lake,” which she liked to play on repeat as she danced around her room. Then she fell for more popular fare: big-band hits and standards by the singer Ahmad Zahir, the “Afghan Elvis.”

By 9, Zohra was convinced: She wanted to be a professional musician — and a ballerina, a mathematician and a physicist. She decided to start with the trumpet. Her parents enrolled her at the Afghanistan National Institute of Music, sending her from her native Ghazni Province, in southeastern Afghanistan, to Kabul to live with her uncle.

She excelled at her music studies, mastering Afghan folk songs as well as classical works. But when the Taliban took power last year, her trumpet became a liability.

The Taliban had banned nonreligious music when it last held power, from 1996 to 2001. In the weeks after the American withdrawal, Taliban fighters harassed and intimidated musicians, and pressured radio stations, wedding halls and karaoke parlors to stop playing nonreligious songs.

Zohra’s relatives worried she would be punished if she were caught playing her trumpet. In August, her uncle sent the instrument back to Zohra’s mother in Ghazni, along with a violin, a flute and a harmonium.

“We didn’t want to keep anything in Kabul that showed we were playing music,” Zohra said. “I didn’t know what could happen to me if I were caught.”

The books and paintings inside their home were also a risk, her uncle had determined. One night, in the wood stove they used to keep warm in the winter, he burned the family’s most prized possessions: works by Freud, novels by Salman Rushdie and portraits that his brother had painted.

Zohra tried not to watch, running from the fire. But from a distance, she caught glimpses of her favorite books being destroyed. “My heart,” she said, “was burning.”

In Portugal, the Afghans enjoy newfound freedoms. The boys and girls can go swimming together. They can date. The girls can wear shorts and skirts without fear of judgment. The older students can drink alcohol.

But life in Lisbon has also been a challenge. The students spend their days largely inside the military hospital, where they eat, sleep, rehearse, wash clothes and play table tennis, nervous about venturing too far or making new friends. Unaccustomed to Portuguese food, they keep bottles of curry, cardamom and peppercorn in their rooms to add familiar flavors to traditional dishes, like grilled sardines and scrambled eggs with smoked sausage.

On weekdays, they go to a local school for special classes in Portuguese and history, practicing phrases like “Bom dia” and “Obrigado” and learning about the country’s Roman Catholic heritage.

Some students, including Mohammad Sorosh Reka, 16, a sitar player, made the 5,000-mile journey to Portugal alone. He has watched from a distance as friends and family share news of bomb attacks, mass unemployment and corruption scandals.

In phone calls and WhatsApp messages, Sorosh tells his family to stay strong and to imagine a day when the Taliban loses power. Not wanting to add to his families’ troubles, he avoids speaking about the challenges he faces adapting to life in Portugal. He wears a golden ring that his mother gave him two days before he left Afghanistan, to remember his family.

“Sometimes they’re giving me hope,” he said, “and sometimes I’m giving them hope.”

He blames the United States and its allies, at least in part, for the turmoil in his home country.

“They were our friends and helping us, telling us they were here to help us at any time,” Sorosh said. “When the Taliban took Afghanistan, they just left and disappeared. That’s why we are very hopeless and sad.”

At night, the students often dream about Afghanistan. Amanullah Noori, 17, the concertmaster of the school orchestra, has recurring nightmares about Taliban attackers, armed with guns, descending on his parents’ home in Kabul. Sometimes he dreams about trying to return to Afghanistan, only to be blocked by the Taliban.

He receives messages from friends back in Afghanistan, fellow musicians who have given up their careers because of Taliban restrictions on playing music. They tell him they have hidden their instruments inside closets and cellars, fearing they might be attacked for being artists.

“The Taliban doesn’t want to hear music anymore,” Amanullah said. “They want a world that is silent.”

For months on end last fall, Zohra was trapped in Kabul, unable to get a passport to leave Afghanistan.

She watched with envy as her classmates fled for Doha on special flights arranged by the government of Qatar. (A global network of philanthropists, artists, educators and officials helped the school get its students and staff, and their relatives, to safety.)

As the weeks stretched on, Zohra began to doubt whether she would ever be able to join her friends and teachers. She remembered the days in Kabul when she and her classmates played music late into the night and sang together in the school choir.

Sometimes, when no one was watching, she said she put her hands in the air and pretended to play her trumpet.

“I could hear it in my head,” she said, “just like when I was in the practice room.”

Then, in mid-November, nearly three months after the Taliban seized power, Zohra, her uncle, Juma Ahmadi, and her cousin, Farida, 13, who also studied at the institute, got their passports. They boarded a flight for Doha, where they were quarantined and awaited visas to enter Portugal.

When they landed, Sarmast, the school’s leader, hugged them and cried as they rushed off the plane. They were the last three in the group to make it out of Afghanistan.

“There was never a moment,” he told them, “when I doubted that I would get you out.”

On her first day in Doha, Zohra started a journal. She wrote that she was heading to Europe to begin life as a refugee.

“I am hopeful,” she wrote, “that the future in Portugal is bright for us all.”

Over time, the girls — who make up about a quarter of the school’s 100 students — have begun to feel more at ease. They have learned to ride bicycles in the school’s courtyard. They occasionally join the boys for lunch at McDonald’s, teasing them about their stylish sunglasses. They go out on weekends, to the beach or shopping for clothes or chocolate chip cookies.

Sevinch Majidi, 18, a violinist, said she felt she had the freedom to pursue her own education and interests in Portugal, free from expectations around marriage and child-rearing and the restrictions of Afghanistan’s patriarchal society.

“When I was walking on the streets of Kabul, I was scared,” said Sevinch, who plays in an all-female ensemble at the school. “This is the first time I can walk without fear, without being scared.”

The boys, too, are changing. While many of them felt pressure in Kabul to go to mosques regularly, some have taken a more relaxed approach to their faith in Portugal, choosing to sleep through services during the Eid holidays.

After rehearsal one day for upcoming concerts in Portugal and abroad, a group of boys went swimming in the Tagus River, on the edge of the Atlantic.

Sami Haidari, a 15-year-old cellist, paused before he went into the water. He took in the ocean scene — men in fluorescent shorts stretched out on the sand next to women in bikinis — and wiggled his toes in the sand. Joining hands with his friends, he charged toward the water.

“I feel free; the ocean brings us freedom,” he said after returning to shore, his teeth chattering. “We have water in Afghanistan, but not like this. Afghanistan’s water is very small. That’s not free.”

In Lisbon, Zohra has embraced the strangeness of her new surroundings. She is a star student in Portuguese, she plays jazz in the wind ensemble, and she has learned to cook eggs and potatoes on her own.

In her journal, she jots down her plans to lead a music school of her own one day, alongside reflections on music and a few short stories, including one about gamblers in New York City.

“There are not any human beings without wishes and dreams,” she wrote in her journal. “I am one of these humans too. One can’t be without dreams because dreams give us hope.”

“If you have a dream, follow it, even if it’s the worst of dreams,” she added. “One has to struggle for the best of dreams and for the worst of dreams.”

Inside Room 509 of the former military hospital, where she lives with her uncle and her cousin, she has hung drawings of ballerinas and horses. A poster lists the Portuguese words for family members: mãe, pai, irmão, irmã.

There are reminders of Afghanistan: photos of her grandfather, decorated with hearts and butterflies; a book of poems; and a painting of her grandmother.

Below a gold vase on the windowsill is the container of rocks and soil from the ancestral grave. Next to it, she keeps another container filled with the soil she collected from the campus of the Afghanistan National Institute of Music in Kabul.

Zohra said she still remembered peaceful days in Ghazni Province, when her family gathered near the mountains and made chicken soup and kebabs. She said she hopes that her parents can join her some day in Lisbon, too.

Looking out at the Tagus River from her room, she said the people of Afghanistan needed music, just like residents of other countries.

“I really want to go back to Afghanistan some day,” she said. “When the Taliban are not there.”

Javier C. Hernández is a Culture reporter for The New York Times covering the world of classical music and dance in New York City and beyond. He joined The Times in 2008 and previously worked as a correspondent in Beijing and New York.

A version of this article appears in print on July 17, 2022, Section AR, Page 6 of the New York edition with the headline: With Music and Hope, Lives Are Taking Root. 
Far From Kabul, Building a New Life, With Music and Hope
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Afghanistan Ranked Worst Country for Gender Gap

But the Islamic Emirate said that it included women –based on necessity — in the government bodies.

 Afghanistan was ranked 146 — the lowest country — in the Global Gender Gap Index 2022 rankings.  

The Global Gender Gap Index benchmarks 146 countries, “providing a basis for robust cross-country analysis,” the report said. “Of these, a subset of 102 countries have been represented in every edition of the index since 2006, further providing a large constant sample for time series analysis,’ the report reads.

The report assessed the gender gap around the world.

But the Islamic Emirate said that it included women –based on necessity — in the government bodies.

Samara is one of the thousands of girls who has faced social restrictions after the fall of the former government.

“There are a lot of restrictions including inequality. The women don’t have access to education and are deprived of social activities,” she said.

“In 2022 parity increased in part because women earn slightly more on average (+2%) than in 2021, but also because men earn less (-1.8%) on average than in 2021. Twenty-eight countries have closed less than 50% of the gender gap on this indicator, with the lowest levels of parity reported in Iran (16%), Afghanistan (18%) and Algeria (18%). Overall, Sub-Saharan African and Middle East and North Africa have the lowest levels of income parity, at approximately 23% and 24%, respectively,” the report reads.

“If such restrictions on women continue, not only the women will be removed from the Afghan society, but this will also affect the international community,” said Zarqa Yaftali, a women’s rights defender.

“We are expecting the Islamic Emirate to take steps to ensure women’s rights and include women in the government,” said Mariam Maroof, a women’s rights activist.

“The current government considers all rights of women in Islamic regulation. The women are working in various fields because the government should include women, based on necessity,” said Bilal Karimi, deputy spokesman for the Islamic Emirate.

Afghanistan Ranked Worst Country for Gender Gap
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US ‘Does Not Support Organized Violent Opposition to the Taliban’

Meanwhile, the US Department of State in a separate statement expressed concerns over human rights abuses in Afghanistan.

The US Department of State said that Washington does “not support violent opposition against the Taliban.”

“We are monitoring the recent uptick in violence closely and call on all sides to exercise restraint and to engage. This is the only way that Afghanistan can confront its many challenges,” a State Department spokesperson told The Foreign Desk as cited by the Long War Journal.

“We want to see the emergence of stable and sustainable political dispensation via peaceful means. We do not support organized violent opposition to the Taliban, and we would discourage other powers from doing so as well,” the US State Department representative said.

Analysts said the Islamic Emirate needs to form a policy through which it can alleviate the current challenges in Afghanistan.

“Diplomatic representatives are meeting the representatives of the Islamic Emirate. We call for a policy to rescue Afghanistan from the current situation,” said Ahmad Khan Andar, a political analyst.

Meanwhile, the US Department of State in a separate statement expressed concerns over human rights abuses in Afghanistan.

“We are alarmed by human rights abuses in Afghanistan, often attributed to the Taliban, and are disturbed by the extensive restrictions on the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms by Afghan women and girls.  The resolution will enable Afghan civil society to address the HRC directly during its September session,” the statement said.

“The concerns and resolutions have come from the international community but they have had no effect on the rights of girls and women in Afghanistan,” said Beheshta Baluch, a women’s rights activist.

Meanwhile, the Islamic Emirate denied any violations of human rights in Afghanistan and said that the rights of all citizens are ensured based on Islamic Sharia.

“The Islamic Emirate is committed to all the rights which are given by Islam to the people, and all their rights are ensured,” said Bilal Karimi, deputy spokesman for the Islamic Emirate.

Earlier, the UN Human Rights Council issued a resolution expressing concerns over restrictions imposed by the Islamic Emirate on women.

US ‘Does Not Support Organized Violent Opposition to the Taliban’
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“I’m from the Taliban and I’m here to help”

The Economist

July 7, 2022

Kabul

Former fighters and religious clerics are filling Afghanistan’s civil service

Under Ashraf Ghani, Afghanistan’s president until the Taliban seized power last August, the country’s interior ministry oversaw much of the security apparatus involved in fighting the insurgents. It is now presided over by one of its deadliest foes, Sirajuddin Haqqani, who led a faction of fighters known for its high-profile bombings in Kabul, the capital. Corridors where American and European advisers once roamed are crowded instead with Mr Haqqani’s long-haired fighters. Civil servants who worked for Mr Ghani’s government sit alongside men who would cheerfully have murdered them a year ago.

Such shared offices are now found throughout the Afghan government. The country’s civil service, like those across South Asia, is a bloated, inefficient thing that puts much stock in the power of rubber stamps and official signatures. The Taliban has adopted this bureaucratic machinery wholesale, filling it with its own people. After all, citizens still need permits, licences and official forms.Civil servants from the previous regime have little option but to make the best of it. They and their new colleagues rub along as well as they can. Pragmatic technocrats are growing out their beards and swapping suits for the traditional clothing favoured by their new masters. It is sometimes hard to tell the difference between old and new officials.

At other times the divide is clear. “Don’t worry. I am not one of them. I will help you,” whispers one manager once he is sure none of his Taliban colleagues can overhear. “These people are ignorant,” complains another. At one department, a functionary being interviewed by a journalist worries he has offended his bullying new Taliban director. “Please write that he is a great man,” he pleads.

The Taliban’s appointments fill holes left when thousands of Afghan civil servants fled the country last year. The calibre of the replacements is often questionable. The new Taliban counterpart of the medical director at one Kabul hospital at least has a degree in medicine. But at other hospitals, staff said the new Taliban appointees were fighters or village clerics with more interest in how women dressed than in public health.

Nor are things much better at the highest levels of government. The cabinet is packed with ethnic-Pushtun Taliban stalwarts. Other groups are sidelined. Appointments “have favoured loyalty and seniority over competence”, notes a un report. Decision-making is unpredictable, say foreign officials who deal with the new government.

Any hope that the demands of running a battered country might mellow the militants’ ideology was dashed last week, after the regime held a jirga, or grand council, of religious scholars. More than 3,000 clerics and notables—all men—were invited to Kabul for three days of confabulation. It was the biggest gabfest since the Taliban took power. Speculation was rife that the jirga would revisit the unpopular decision to stop girls going to secondary school. Marginalised ethnic groups as well as some inside the Taliban sought signs of compromise from a leadership they see as increasingly remote and autocratic.

The Taliban’s supreme leader, Haibatullah Akhunzada, offered no such thing. Instead, he delivered an emphatic speech in which he called for total obedience and unity. He outlined a theocracy where clerics would guide everything. Mr Akhunzada made it clear that anyone associated with the former government would not be allowed to share power. The Talibanised ministries and courts, he boasted, had banished bribery and corruption, and brought justice and harmony. There was no mention of girls’ education. For the officials in charge of implementing these policies, more awkward conversations lie ahead.

This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline “Bureaucratic nightmare”

“I’m from the Taliban and I’m here to help”
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White House Braces for Anniversary of Afghan Withdrawal: Report

The administration of US President Joe Biden is preparing for the anniversary of Afghanistan withdrawal, NBC reported.  

The intelligence investigation about the withdrawal of US troops has been completed, the news report said.

A large part of the report may be secret.

“This was a difficult story for the Biden administration last summer- his- the president’s polls, his ratings, really dropped because of the way that the withdrawal from Afghanistan was carried out and there is now a recognition nearly a year later that the white house is going to get questioned about it,” said Courtney Kube, a NBC correspondent.

“The National security (council) has begun planning. They have held two conference calls, chaired by John Kirby, who was of course the press secretary at the Pentagon… he is starting to plan how the White House and the Biden Administration at large is going to speak about this anniversary. So, a couple of things they are considering, are very basic things like statements from officials like Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, putting out some of the information and some of the statistics that the White House frankly sees was positive.”

The analysts said that the US is trying to justify its withdrawal of Afghanistan by marking the anniversary.

“On the anniversary of the troops withdrawal, with the forming of a report, they are trying to justify their withdrawal of Afghanistan,” said Sayed Javad Sejadi, a political analyst.

Earlier, the rapid withdrawal of the US troops that followed an agreement signed between the US and Islamic Emirate sparked strong criticism from the Biden administration.

White House Braces for Anniversary of Afghan Withdrawal: Report
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Tourism Increasing in Bamiyan

According to the officials, more than 3,000 tourists visited Bamyan over the past several weeks.

The number of Afghan and foreign tourists to the central province of Bamyan has increased, local officials said.  

According to the officials, more than 3,000 tourists visited Bamyan over the past several weeks.

“There is no problem for tourism. The tourists can see all areas and historic places,” said said Juma Khan, head of the tourism center in Bamyan.

The tourists said that they are happy about the security on the highways.

Bamyan has famous historic places including the  Buddha sculptures which have attracted a large number of foreign tourists to Afghanistan.

“It is very enjoyable. Every time you come here, you see new things,” said Latfullah, a tourist.

“We call on the officials of the department of Information and Culture to take good care of it,” said Homayoun, a tourist.

Meanwhile, the head of the provincial department of Information and Culture said that the plans have been laid to maintain the tourism areas.

“We have worked on areas which need repair. We are ready to provide further facilities if possible,” said Saif Rahman Mohammadi, head of the department.

Tourism Increasing in Bamiyan
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OHCHR Pledges ‘Unwavering Commitment’ to Afghan Rights

The OHCHR issued the resolution on July 8 following an urgent debate on the situation in Afghanistan.  

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in a resolution reaffirmed “its unwavering commitment to the full and equal enjoyment of all human rights by all women, girls and children in Afghanistan, including the right to freedom of movement, the right to education, the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, including their sexual and reproductive health, the right to work and the right of access to justice on an equal basis with others.”  

The OHCHR issued the resolution on July 8 following an urgent debate on the situation in Afghanistan.

“The Council called for measures to ensure that local women’s rights organizations and local organizations led by women could continue to carry out their work all over Afghanistan and support women and girls; and requested the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to organize an enhanced interactive dialogue during its fifty-first session,” the resolution reads.

Meanwhile, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan said that the resolution “sends a message to the Taliban to reverse practices that abuse rights of women and girls.”

At Human Right Council’s 51 session there will again be an “opportunity for Afghan women to share their concerns and for the Council to act,” he said on Twitter.

Also, the US special envoy for Afghanistan women and human rights, Rina Amiri, in an Eid message called on the Muslim country to stand with the people of Afghanistan, particularly women.

“I ask that men and women, leaders and scholars, clerics and activists in the Muslim world stand with the Afghan people, particularly women and girls who are facing some of the most extreme restrictions in the world,” she said on Twitter.

An Afghan female rights activist, Hakima, called on the UN to use leverage to “put pressure on the Islamic Emirate.”

“We call on the UN to use an alternative way for putting pressure on the Taliban, so it can bring results,” she said.

Earlier, the deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sher Mohammad Abbas Stanekzai, speaking at a gathering of domestic products sellers in Kabul, said that women need to be included in the political, economic and social areas of society.

OHCHR Pledges ‘Unwavering Commitment’ to Afghan Rights
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Joe Biden Announces Intention To Rescind Afghanistan’s Major Non-NATO Ally Status

Biden’s decision means Afghanistan will no longer be eligible for certain military and financial benefits.

President Joe Biden on Wednesday announced his intention to rescind Afghanistan’s major non-NATO ally status, 10 months after the U.S. withdrew from the country.

Biden gave notice of his decision in a letter to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.).

“I am providing notice of my intent to rescind the designation of Afghanistan as a Major Non-NATO Ally,” the president wrote, saying the notice was in accordance with the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.

Countries given major non-NATO ally status are eligible for military and financial benefits, including loans and funding for counterterrorism research, and can also serve as a location for U.S.-owned war reserve stockpiles, according to the State Department. However, the designation does not include security commitments.

Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced during a visit to Kabul in 2012 that Afghanistan would be given the status. It was the first country to be awarded the designation during then-President Barack Obama’s administration, according to The Guardian.

This is a “powerful symbol of our commitment to Afghanistan’s future,” Clinton said at the time, according to the BBC.

“We are not even imagining abandoning Afghanistan,” Clinton added.

On Aug. 15, 2021, the Taliban took Kabul, effectively gaining back control of the entire country. The U.S. withdrew the last of its military out of Afghanistan later that month, putting an end to a 20-year war.

Since then, the Taliban has turned back the clock on women’s rights, including issuing an order for all Afghan women to be covered from head to toe in public, according to The Associated Press.

The countries that have the major non-NATO ally designation now include: Argentina, Australia, Bahrain, Brazil, Colombia, Egypt, Israel, Japan, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Qatar, South Korea, Thailand and Tunisia.

Joe Biden Announces Intention To Rescind Afghanistan’s Major Non-NATO Ally Status
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Afghanistan: Taliban Execute, ‘Disappear’ Alleged Militants

Human Rights Watch

Over 100 Bodies Found Dumped in Canal in East

(New York) – Taliban security forces have summarily executed and forcibly disappeared alleged members and supporters of an Islamic State offshoot in eastern Afghanistan, Human Rights Watch said today. Since the Taliban took power in August 2021, residents of Nangahar and Kunar provinces east of Kabul have discovered the bodies of more than 100 men dumped in canals and other locations.

Taliban forces have carried out abusive search operations, including night raids, against residents they accuse of sheltering or supporting members of the Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) armed group, the Afghan affiliate of the Islamic State (ISIS). During these raids, Taliban forces have beaten residents and have detained men they accuse of being ISKP members without legal process or revealing their whereabouts to their families. An unknown number have been summarily executed – shot, hanged, or beheaded – or forcibly disappeared.

“We investigated an emptied canal in Nangarhar in which over 100 bodies have been dumped between August 2021 and April 2022,” said Patricia Gossman, associate Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Taliban authorities appear to have given their forces free rein to detain, ‘disappear,’ and kill alleged militants.”

Between October 2021 and June 2022, Human Rights Watch, working with a local organization that cannot be identified for security reasons, interviewed 63 people, including 42 in person in Nangarhar and Kunar provinces, and 21 by phone.

In November, a team from both groups counted 54 bodies of men, many in an advanced state of decomposition, along a 15 to 20 kilometer stretch of the emptied canal. The bodies showed evidence of torture and brutal executions: some had missing limbs, ropes around their necks, or had been beheaded or had slit throats. Healthcare workers in Nangarhar said that they had registered 118 bodies that had been found across the province between August and December.

A media report cited one Taliban fighter who said, “We conduct night raids and whenever we find a Daesh [ISIS] member, we just kill them.” The United Nations has reported that Taliban operations against ISKP “rely heavily on extra-judicial detentions and killings.”

Over a number of years ISKP has carried out bombings particularly targeting Hazara, Shia, and other religious minority communities, as well as against Taliban and former government forces. The armed group springs from a minority violent stream of Salafism, a movement that looks back to the earliest years of Islam for moral guidance.

Human Rights Watch has previously documented Taliban forces summarily executing or forcibly disappearing former Afghan government officials and security forces. The cases from eastern Afghanistan demonstrate that Taliban forces have extended such atrocities to those they accuse of links to ISKP, Human Rights Watch said.

International humanitarian law, or the laws of war, which applies to the armed conflict between the Taliban and ISKP, obligates all parties to treat everyone in custody humanely. Arbitrary detentions, summary executions, and other forms of mistreatment are prohibited, and those responsible are subject to prosecution for war crimes. Also prohibited are enforced disappearances, which international law defines as the detention of anyone by state forces or their agents followed by a refusal to acknowledge the detention or whereabouts of the person.

Suspected ISKP members taken into custody for criminal offenses should be promptly brought before a judge, appropriately charged, provided access to relatives and legal counsel, and prosecuted in accordance with international fair trial standards.

“The ISKP’s numerous atrocities do not justify the Taliban’s horrific response,” Gossman said. “Taliban forces have repeatedly carried out summary executions and other war crimes against people in their custody and have yet to hold those responsible to account.”

For detailed findings, please see below.

Human Rights Watch and the local organization found substantial evidence of summary executions and enforced disappearances by the Taliban of people accused of supporting the ISKP. There was extensive evidence from the Darunta Canal, near Jalalabad, which the groups visited and where they documented scores of killings by inspecting corpses discovered there in late 2021. The interviews revealed that many of those killed were people whom the Taliban had earlier taken into custody.

Taliban-ISKP Conflict in Nangarhar and Kunar

Taliban forces took control of Nangarhar’s capital, Jalalabad, on August 15, 2021, the same day they took power in Kabul. In the ensuing months, Taliban security forces carried out search operations to apprehend and detain former members of the Afghan National Security Forces and ISKP members.

When ISKP attacks on Taliban forces continued after August, particularly in Nangarhar’s eastern districts of Dehbala, Shinwar Mohmand Dara, Achin, and Kama, the Taliban intensified their campaign against ISKP. In November the Taliban deployed hundreds of fighters against ISKP forces. Taliban officials in statements to the media have claimed that their forces have “eliminated” ISKP “98 percent,” and that the group is “no longer considered a serious threat in Afghanistan.” However, the alleged brutality with which the Taliban has conducted operations may spark increased recruitment to ISKP in the province.

On several occasions, Taliban officials claimed to have seriously degraded or destroyed ISKP. However, ISKP forces have continued to attack Taliban units, typically by means of magnetic improvised explosive devices (IEDs), roadside bombs, and hit-and-run assaults on Taliban checkpoints. They have also continued their unlawful bombings of Hazara and Shia communities, killing and maiming numerous civilians.

Taliban Night Raids and Collective Punishment

Since taking power, Taliban forces have conducted night raids in residential areas, a tactic that has long been a feature of counterinsurgency operations by all parties in the Afghanistan conflict. These raids have frequently included abuses.

The Taliban have targeted many neighborhoods known for being home to Salafists, a community that follows a form of Islam modeled on the beliefs and practices of the earliest Muslims of the 7th century. These raids appear aimed not only against ISKP fighters, but also to punish residents who may have no involvement with ISKP because of their adherence to Salafism.

From September through November, Nangarhar and Kunar residents reported a wave of Taliban operations and the enforced disappearance and killing of Salafis. In some cases, relatives alleged that the Taliban took away their family members, and afterward denied that the men were in their custody. In other cases, residents said they found the bodies of relatives who had been taken away. Some were reportedly found beheaded.

Residents from Kunar province, a province that has long seen conflict between the Taliban and the former government, ISKP, or other armed groups, said they were being targeted. They said Taliban fighters stopped and questioned men on the streets, sometimes beating or humiliating them in public if the Taliban discovered or suspected the men were Salafists.

One man said: “Kunaris cannot say anything [about this treatment]. If you do, they say you are Daesh [ISIS].” A man from Marawara district, Kunar province, who had been stopped by the Taliban in Jalalabad said: “When they found out that I am Salafi, they shaved my beard and head in front hundreds of people and made me sit there for hours.”

Salafi elders said that because of the continued raids, Salafi community elders in a number of districts felt pressure to pledge their support to the Taliban authorities. The Taliban have also registered members of Salafi communities, which, among other things, facilitates Taliban monitoring of community members.

While there are no verified numbers of those killed and forcibly disappeared since August 2021, bodies of some victims have been displayed in various parts of Jalalabad and the surrounding area. Between August and December in the Farm Adda park, south of Jalalabad, local residents and relatives said that while looking for missing family members they found bodies of people whom the Taliban had taken hanging from trees. Taliban officials have acknowledged that they have displayed bodies along main roads and intersections as a warning to others that “this is what happens” if you join the ISKP. Family members have found the bodies of their relatives in the neighborhood known as Khalis Baba in Khogyani. Others have discovered bodies in canals and rivers.

Disentangling the killings of former Afghan government security force members from those accused of being linked to ISKP is difficult, although they follow somewhat different patterns. When the Taliban have targeted former security force members, they appear to single people out based on the position they previously held, or because they were known to Taliban fighters and commanders in the area.

Community elders, family members of victims, and analysts who have studied ISKP said that the Taliban frequently carried out mass arrests based on guilt by association rather than any determination of ISKP links. Many of the Salafists detained appear to have been picked up because they lived in certain neighborhoods or Salafist villages. Community elders and family members said that bodies found often had distinctive clothing, long beards, and other typically Salafist characteristics.

A health worker at a local hospital said that by late December, hospital staff had registered 118 dead bodies that had been found across Nangarhar, and that most people who came to inquire about the bodies were from Kunar, Jalalabad city, and districts surrounding Jalalabad. It is likely that not all bodies found would be registered or taken to a hospital.

Darunta Canal

The Darunta Canal flows from a hydroelectric power plant seven kilometers west of Jalalabad in Nangarhar province. In the early morning of November 7, local officials stopped the flow of water through the dam in response to a request from residents living along the canal who wanted to retrieve the body of a boy who had drowned a day earlier. Once the flow through the dam stopped, the entire canal dried up.

A team from Human Rights Watch and the Afghan organization carried out an investigation along the canal on the morning of November 7, covering about 15 to 20 kilometers of the canal by car over 2 hours and 30 minutes. The team counted 54 bodies – all male – in the emptied canal. While it was difficult to determine ages, none appeared to be older than about 50. Fifteen bodies were considered to be in a very advanced state of decomposition. Seven had been beheaded and others had their throats slit but had not been decapitated. Two had ropes around their necks, suggesting that they had been hanged before being thrown into the canal. Some bodies had limbs missing. Only a few had visible bullet wounds, although this could not be determined with accuracy since some were badly decomposed.

The team interviewed residents living along the canal, one of whom directed them to a location called Muqam Khan, close to the Sarhadi Lewa, a Taliban military installation. In this area, bodies were visible in the dried canal bed. Some were scattered and others grouped together. Some appeared to have been in the water for some time, based on their advanced state of decomposition.

The residents said that since August 2021, the canal had become well-known as a place to dispose of bodies. Five families living along the canal confirmed that they had seen bodies when the water was drained. “Most were thrown into the canal between August and November, when the Taliban were detaining and disappearing men accused of being ISKP,” one resident said.

Another resident said that there had been at least five IED attacks against the Taliban in the Muqam Khan area after August, and the Taliban might have dumped the bodies there to send a message.

“Habib,” a pseudonym, who is a resident of Surkhrod district, said:

When the canal dried up, 10 bodies were found near Kabul Adda [the station for Kabul-bound buses]. This area of the canal, called “barong,” has a net that prevents trash or other material from entering and blocking the canal; the bodies were stuck in the net. Word got out and the Taliban came and would not allow people to come near. An hour later, an ambulance came and took the bodies away. Some of the bodies were headless; some were rotten, and discolored. Most of the bodies were unidentifiable. I think these people were thrown into the canal at this place.

While many bodies were recovered on November 7, people continued to find bodies afterward. Later in November, Habib was bathing in the canal after working as a day laborer. He said, “Something soft touched me. It was wrapped up like a parcel, a body was inside. My colleague and I took it to the hospital.”

“Zekirya”, a resident of Nazrabad Kalay, Surkhorud district, also recovered bodies from the canal. He saw four bodies “stuck in the net in the canal on November 7, 2021.”

“Sadullah,” a day laborer from Tatang Kala, Surkhorud district, found bodies in the canal in late November. He said:

We were cleaning the canal when my friends found two wrapped objects. The bodies were inside. They were attached with stones before being thrown in the water. The bodies smelled and appeared to have been in the water for days. Some people had gathered around who took the bodies to the hospital [morgue].

The body of a man named Wahabudden, from Fatehabad village, Surkhorod district, was among those found in the canal. Taliban forces had taken him and his brother Gulapudden into custody in mid-October. A Fatehabad resident said:

On November 20, 2021, we found Wahabudden’s dead body in the [Darunta] canal, and Gulapudden is still missing. Wahabudden was shot twice in the shoulder, and also his throat was cut. There was also a stone attached to Wahabudden’s chest, so his body didn’t rise to the surface.

Wahabudden’s body was found 13 days after the discovery of most of the other bodies in the canal bed.

“Ahmad,” searched in vain for the body of his brother Nazeerullah, who had been detained by the Taliban on October 7. When he learned from a relative that the water into the Darunta canal would be stopped on November 7, family members came to search. Ahmad said that his relatives had warned him that the bodies would be hard to recognize, but said “our heart could not stop [hoping] so we went.” He described the scene at the canal:

[One] could not recognize most of the bodies. … They were not all at the same place but spread across the bed of the canal. It is possible they [the Taliban] threw one body here, another somewhere else. The distance between the bodies varied: between some bodies 10 meters, some 100 meters, some even more distant. … We looked at [almost] the entire canal by car. … our guy [Nazeerullah] had a scar on one hand, and we were checking the dead bodies for the scar … I do not remember an exact number, but I am sure close to 100 people were there [in the canal]. I heard some were already taken away by their relatives and other people. Because Nazeerullah had a scar on his arm, we thought we might recognize him. We were there from 9:30 a.m. until 4:30 p.m. … Seeing all those dead bodies, it had a huge impact on me, mentally.

He did not find Nazeerullah.

Additional Summary Executions and Enforced Disappearances

“Doctor” Mubariz
According to his patients and others in the community, Mubariz, between 40 and 45 years old, was respected for his knowledge of health care although he did not have a medical degree. He operated private clinics across the east and southeast Afghanistan, including many small clinics in Nangarhar, for which he hired medical staff. The last clinic he opened with one of his colleagues was in the Smarkhail area of Jalalabad city. After August 2021, he continued to run the clinic, as he did the others. Taliban forces took Mubariz and his partner into custody from this clinic in early September. About 10 days later, his body was discovered in Jalalabad with a gunshot wound.

A witness to Mubariz’s arrest told the family that “[t]he [Taliban] came in a vehicle that had the markings of the previous government’s intelligence agency, the National Directorate of Security (NDS), wearing NDS uniforms. They were members of the Taliban’s intelligence forces, the General Directorate of Intelligence.” The family said that they received a call the evening of the arrest informing them that Mubariz had been taken to Amniat-e Milli, the national security district headquarters. The family went to the headquarters and were told Mubariz was there: “We were not allowed to see him, though the Taliban said, ‘He is here with us.’”

Family members said that the next day they returned to the headquarters accompanied by community elders: “We sat next to the door of Amniat-e Milli until our turn came to talk to the officials. But we could not see Dr. Mubariz.” An official at the gate told the family “You go back home. His case is still [under investigation] but there is nothing in the file [on him].”

About nine days after the arrest, Mubariz called his oldest son at around 10 p.m. He told him: “Son, my heart is suffocated here. No one has beaten me, no one said a bad thing to me. They have been telling me I will be released tomorrow but you should try to release me sooner. Come for me, bring elders to secure my release. They [the Taliban] should punish me if I am guilty of having ties with ISKP.” The family did not know how Mubariz got access to a phone. A Taliban official told us that “Dr. Mubariz did not call from his number but from a new number, which could have been provided by Taliban inside the facility.”

The next day at 9 a.m. the family received a call from neighbors that Mubariz’s body had been found along with two other bodies in the Farm Ada area of Jalalabad. A man who found the bodies said they appeared to have been killed during the night. Mubariz’s body had a letter attached to it that said: “Dr. Mubariz, Daesh surgical doctor,” suggesting he was working for or providing health care to ISKP. A tribal elder said: “This is a lie that he was a Daesh doctor.”

Mubariz’s partner was released but said they had been separated in detention and he did not know what had happened.

International humanitarian law protects all personnel from mistreatment, including those who provide medical care for opposing armed forces or armed groups.

Muhammad Baz
Muhammad Baz was from Badel Valley, Narang district, in Kunar province. His family and community members said he was a Salafist, yet had also fought with the Taliban.

One relative said that on September 20, Baz left his home in Narang district to go on a business-related trip to Spin Boldak, in Kandahar province. The Taliban stopped him at a checkpoint in the Darunta area of Jalalabad city.

He was allowed to call his family and told them that when the Taliban had checked his phone, they found some Salafist material on it. He also told his family that he had contacted Saleh, the district head of intelligence for Narang district and that Saleh had told the Taliban that Baz was a “mujahid,” a member of the Taliban, and not ISKP. But the Taliban who detained Baz said he could not leave.

Baz’s family and friends said that when they tried to call the phone later it was turned off. A cousin went to the Darunta area where Baz was detained. He asked local residents what they had seen. One witness, a merchant, said, “The Taliban detained someone [who matched Baz’s description], put him in a Ranger [truck], and went toward the city [Jalalabad].”

The next day, Baz’s family received a call from a clinic to come to collect the body, which had been found by a driver in the hilly desert areas of Memla in Khogyani district. Baz’s throat had been slit; his name was on a piece of paper attached to the body. His family and others believe that the Taliban killed Baz because he was a Salafist, wore a long beard, and had Salafist material on his phone.

Nazeerullah
Taliban security forces in Kama district, Nangarhar, detained Nazeerullah, on October 7. His brother “Jawad” said:

At around 10:30 a.m., Taliban forces raided our house. They were in two vehicles: a Ranger and a silver Toyota Fielder. Four of them entered the house forcibly and arrested my brother, who is around 43 years old and is a laborer and finds food for his family through hard work. He was taken to the car in front of several witnesses. … [T]en minutes later the Taliban took two of my sons [Ibrahim and Subhanullah] who were working in the fields near the mosque.

A villager who saw the arrest said that he had asked the Taliban, “‘Where are you taking these boys?’ and they said, ‘We are taking them to the district [center].’”

Jawad said he went immediately to the district center but was not allowed to see any Taliban officials. The next day he tried again, without success. The third day, more family members from Kunar went to the district center and with a guarantee provided by Bakhtiur Rahman, a local influential figure, the Taliban released Ibrahim and Subhanullah.

Jawad said that Qari Yasir, the Taliban’s Kama district police chief, and the head of the General Directorate of Intelligence, Shaheen, told him that the district governor, Hekmat Adil, had ordered the arrest. Jawad said that he went to see Adil, who told him that a battalion from Kabul had come and taken Nazeerullah with them.

Jawad said he then filed petitions first with the Nangarhar provincial governor, Mohammad Daud Muzamil, and then with the deputy governor asking them to order Kama district officials to produce Nazeerullah. He received no response. He then petitioned Interior Ministry officials to produce Nazeerullah, but also received no response. Finally, he wrote to the appellate court of Nangarhar, which referred the case to the primary military court of the eastern zone. The family has learned nothing about Nazeerullah’s whereabouts.

Other cases of enforced disappearance were similar. A woman whose son was taken by the Taliban in September said that no one would tell her where he was detained: “They do not allow me to go to the district [district governor or police] … I spent hours and hours in front of the governor’s house, no one allowed me in or even asked me. I do not know what to do.”

Taliban officials have also threatened family members who have sought information about their detained relatives. One resident of Chapahar district, Nangahar, who accompanied “Jaffar” to the Taliban’s General Directorate of Intelligence Facility No. 90 in Kabul to inquire about the whereabouts of Jaffar’s brother, whom the Taliban had detained in September, said that the guard at the gate told him: “They will arrest you too, do not inquire about these people.” Jaffar said “I was afraid but what can I do? I want to know, [he’s] my brother.”

In another case, a man said that his brother and nephew went to the Nangarhar chief of police to ask the whereabouts of a relative. The Taliban commander who met them threatened them, saying: “Shut up, you have come here to release Daesh people.” Another man said, “You want to ask [about your relative], but you do not dare ask.”

Even if they are not threatened, family members seeking information about detained relatives have said that Taliban authorities refuse to acknowledge the detention or provide any information. A neighbor of a man who was the victim of an enforced disappearance by the Taliban for alleged connections to ISKP said: “When you go to see the Nangarhar [provincial] governor [looking for a relative], they won’t let you in. At the gates they tell you go ask elsewhere [referring to other government departments]. Just to deter you.”

Nasir
Nasir, an alleged ISKP member, had been arrested by the former Afghan government some time before the Taliban takeover. He was serving time in Bagram jail, and when the Taliban took over, he broke out. He started a fruit cart business in Charahi Butkhak in Kabul in late August. Local workers said that on September 20 “vehicles full of Taliban [came] and took Nasir with them.” His brother went first to the District 12 police station, and then he and other family members went to the Bagrami district governor’s office in Parwan province, but they were repeatedly told that the Taliban had not detained anyone by his name. A family member said that we “just want to know he is alive … if he had done anything [wrong], put him on trial.”

Not all cases reported in Nangarhar and Kunar provinces involved people accused of affiliation with ISKP.

Ahmadullah
Ahmadullah, 25, served in the military in the previous government. His relatives said that in September, Taliban forces surrounded the Surkhab Pul area of Jalalabad city and went directly to Ahmadullah’s house. The Taliban authorities used loudspeakers to pressure the family to hand him over and threatened to enter the house if they did not. In front of a gathering of villagers, the family handed Ahmadullah over to the Taliban forces.

Three days later, Ahmadullah’s father received a call telling him that his son’s body was lying in the Khalis Baba area. The father said that when he saw his son’s body, Ahmadullah’s name and village were written on a paper attached to it. The bodies of about seven or eight others were also found in the area.

Afghanistan: Taliban Execute, ‘Disappear’ Alleged Militants
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Bookseller of Kabul becomes asylum seeker in London

The Guardian
Mon 4 Jul 2022
Shah Muhammad Rais survived decades of misrule in Afghanistan but finally fled to escape the Taliban
Shah Muhammad Rais
Shah Muhammad Rais, subject of 2002 bestseller The Bookseller of Kabul, is having his claim for asylum processed in the UK. Photograph: Christian Sinibaldi/The Guardian

Shah Muhammad Rais, 69, arrived in the UK on 26 September and claimed asylum at the airport. He is waiting for his case to be processed and is currently living alongside other asylum seekers from various conflict zones.

“The UK was the only door open to me to be safe from the Taliban,” he told the Guardian.

Shah Mohammad Rais’s shop in Kabul, Afghanistan
Shah Mohammad Rais’s shop in Kabul, Afghanistan in 2007. Photograph: Musadeq Sadeq/AP

Members of his family, including his nine children and four grandchildren, are scattered across different parts of the world. But his Kabul bookshop is still open following the Taliban takeover, along with an online bookstore. He proudly hands over his business card – Shah M Book Co, printers, publishers, booksellers, Shah Muhammad Rais, managing director.

Independent bookselling times are hard, though and Rais is unsure if the shop, established in 1974 – and that has endured almost five turbulent decades – can withstand the current challenges from the Taliban.

“Very few are buying books now,” he says sadly. One of the consequences of the Taliban takeover has been a mass exodus of intellectuals and others who were part of the book-buying demographic when UK and US forces were in situ in Afghanistan.

“I will keep the bookshop open as long as possible, maybe the Taliban will ban it or destroy it,” he shrugs.

Rais has lived through different rules in Afghanistan and was twice imprisoned during the Soviet era, first in 1979 for a year, and then again a year and a half after his release. He says he experienced torture and mistreatment while he was in jail, including sleep deprivation and being forced to live in freezing conditions.

Åsne Seierstad, a Norwegian journalist, travelled to Afghanistan soon after 9/11 and returned the following spring to write an account of life in the country through an intimate portrait of the lives of one Afghan family – the bookseller Rais, his two wives and his family. The book was based on her account and observations after being invited to move in with the family, with whom she lived for five months.

Rais became famous following the 2002 publication of the book, which topped international sales charts and has been translated into dozens of languages. However, he and members of his family brought a legal action against the author and claimed the book was inaccurate and invasive.

Following a protracted legal battle an appeal court in Norway cleared the author of invading the privacy of the family and concluded the facts of the book were accurate.

Shah Mohammad Rais in his shop
Shah Mohammad Rais in his shop in 2007. Photograph: Musadeq Sadeq/AP

Rais’s bookshop is believed to have the largest collection of books about Afghanistan, expressing a variety of different views of historical events, all under one roof. Along with textbooks for students in areas such as medicine, engineering and languages are many rare books that Rais has found safe hiding places for in case his shop is targeted.

“I have secure places in Iran and Pakistan for some of the books,” he says.

He speaks six languages and says regretfully that he has forgotten a seventh that he was previously able to speak – Russian.

After obtaining a master’s degree in civil engineering at Kabul University, he thought it would not be possible to make a living out of engineering and decided to try to turn his love of books, which he had developed as a teenager, into a business.

Along with his enormous and diverse collection of Afghan books he loves classics including works by Tolstoy, Balzac and Hemingway, and his favourite, the 13th-century Persian poet Rumi. “I loved reading Shakespeare’s Othello in Persian,” he says.

“From 2002 to 2020 I sold over 15,000 copies of European and US literature,” Rais says. He says that his aim has always been to reflect a plurality of views about significant events in history rather than taking one side or another.

“I am on the side of sincerity,” he says. “The Soviets put me in jail for collecting decrees of Mullah Omar and other jihadist newspapers I obtained in Pakistan. I said to the judge: ‘Tomorrow we will need these papers to study Afghan jihad – to understand your enemies.’”

In better times his bookshop was a focal point for intellectuals from a variety of backgrounds to gather, sit on mattresses and listen to international news on a good-quality radio and debate political and philosophical matters of the day.

Now Rais’s future is uncertain as he anxiously awaits the outcome of his asylum claim. And particularly distressing for a lover of books, he now suffers from impaired vision. But his energy and enthusiasm is undimmed.

“If I am granted permission to work in the UK I would love to open an Afghan reading room at the British Library. I’m writing a book on Afghan land, culture and history and would like to open a multicultural, multi-language bookshop here for people from the region – from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran. That is what I’m dreaming of.”

Bookseller of Kabul becomes asylum seeker in London
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