Heavy rains in Afghanistan and Pakistan unleash flash floods that killed dozens of people

Associated Press
Published 4:06 AM EDT, July 23, 2023

ISLAMABAD (AP) — Heavy flooding from seasonal rains in Afghanistan killed at least 31 people and left dozens missing over the past three days, while in neighboring Pakistan 13 people died due to heavy rains and landslides.

Shafiullah Rahimi, the ruling Taliban’s appointed spokesman for Afghanistan’s State Ministry for Natural Disaster Management, said Sunday that at least 31 people were killed, 74 were injured and 41 others were missing. Flash floods hit the capital, Kabul, the Maidan Wardak and Ghazni provinces. He added that the majority of the casualties were in west Kabul and Maidan Wardak.

Rahimi also said around 250 livestock perished in the floods.

The flooding brought further misery to the already suffering Afghanistan. In April, the U.N.’s humanitarian affairs agency said the south Asian country is facing its third consecutive year of drought, its second year of severe economic hardship and the consequences of decades of war and natural disasters.

The most recent flash flood happened in the Jalrez district of Maidan Wardak province west of Kabul, killing 12 people, said Taliban government spokesman, Zabihullah Mujahid. At least 40 other people were missing and rescue teams were busy conducting search and rescue operations, he said.

The provincial governor’s office in a statement said that hundreds of homes were either damaged or destroyed and the missing are believed to be under the rubble of collapsed homes.

The statement also said that hundreds of square miles of agricultural land were washed out and destroyed and the highway between Kabul and the central Bamiyan province was closed due to the floods.

In Pakistan, 13 people died and seven were injured due to heavy rains and landslides as monsoon season continued to affect parts of the country Sunday.

In the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, nine people lost their lives over the last 48 hours in rain-related incidents.

In the Skardu area of the Gilgit Baltistan region, four family members died when a massive landslide hit their car, according to police officer Raja Mirza Hassan.

Taimur Khan, a spokesman of the provincial disaster management authority, said heavy rainfall and thunderstorms damaged at least 74 houses in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

The provincial authorities declared an emergency in the Chitral district as rainfall triggered flash floods in the mountainous area.

Since the start of monsoon from June 25, the country has witnessed 101 deaths including 16 women and 42 children, according to the national disaster management authority.

Heavy rains in Afghanistan and Pakistan unleash flash floods that killed dozens of people
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US Would Have Attacked Afghanistan Even If Osama Had Left: Mawlawi Kabir

Mawlawi Kabir also said that the “Islamic Tahrik of Taliban under the command of Mullah Mohammad Omar Mujahid rose up and eliminated corruption.”

The political deputy prime minister, Mawlawi Abdul Kabir, said that the US and NATO would have attacked Afghanistan even if Osama bin Laden, founder of al-Qaeda, left Afghanistan of his own free will.

Speaking at a gathering at Sapedar palace, Mawlawi Kabir referred to the US attack on Afghanistan in 2001 and said that the “tyrannical and arrogant powers of the world, who did not like” the survival of the Islamic system in Afghanistan, “used Osama as an excuse.”

“Even if Osama left Afghanistan of his own free will, America and its friends would have attacked Afghanistan, it was happening for sure,” he said.

Mawlawi Kabir said that handing bin Laden to the US was an issue of honor to the founder of the Islamic Emirate, Mullah Mohammad Omar Mujahid.

“You should not say that the Islamic Emirate has troubled Afghanistan with problems because of someone,” he said. “Firstly, it was a matter of zeal for our Amir al-Muminin that we did not…dishonor Muslims in the history of Islam by handing over a Muslim to an infidel.”

Mawlawi Kabir also said that the “Islamic Tahrik of Taliban under the command of Mullah Mohammad Omar Mujahid rose up and eliminated corruption.”

US Would Have Attacked Afghanistan Even If Osama Had Left: Mawlawi Kabir
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EU Sanctions on Islamic Emirate ‘Not Beneficial to Any Side’: Mujahid

“Six individuals were listed over various forms of sexual and gender-based violence,” said the Council of the EU in a statement.

Islamic Emirate spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid reacted to the European Union’s decision to sanction some leaders of the Islamic Emirate, saying that the move is “not beneficial to any side.”

On Thursday, the European Council said that it imposed restrictive measures against 18 individuals and 5 entities under the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, because of their responsibility for serious human rights violations and abuses in Afghanistan, South Sudan, the Central African Republic, Ukraine and Russia.

“Six individuals were listed over various forms of sexual and gender-based violence,” said the Council of the EU in a statement.

The “acting Taliban Ministers of Education and Justice and the acting Taliban Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Afghanistan because of their role in depriving Afghan girls and women of their right to education, access to justice and equal treatment between men and women” are among these six individuals.

“These sanctions not only have a negative impact on the officials of Afghanistan but the Taliban should take serious actions to change the lives of the people of Afghanistan,” said Wais Naseri, political analyst.

Mujahid called on the EU to use dialogue instead of pressure and sanctions.

“Instead of using pressure and sanctions, interaction, dialogue and understanding should be used. Repeating the failed experience against Afghans and imposing politics did not give results,” he said on Twitter. ..

A women’s rights activist, Diva Patang, said that the restrictions have not benefited the Afghan women.

“The restrictions imposed by them repeatedly never benefited the women,” said Diva Patang, women’s rights activist.

Last March, the EU announced sanctions on nine individuals and three entities under its Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, including two acting “Taliban” ministers– Higher Education Minister Neda Mohammad Nadim and the Minister of Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice Mohammad Khalid Hanafi–for being “behind the decrees banning women from higher education and gender-segregated practices in public spaces.”

EU Sanctions on Islamic Emirate ‘Not Beneficial to Any Side’: Mujahid
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Tory MPs try to oust Tobias Ellwood from defence role for praising Taliban

 Senior political correspondent

The Guardian

Thu 20 Jul 2023 06.19 EDT

Conservative MPs have launched an attempt to oust their colleague Tobias Ellwood as chair of the Commons defence select committee after he posted a video praising the Taliban for improving safety in Afghanistan.

Ellwood had sought to draw a line under the row, saying he was “sorry for my poor communication” after his actions outraged those in his own party and military veterans.

In a tweet and accompanying video, Ellwood described Afghanistan as a “country transformed” and talked up the group that seized power in August 2021, claiming “security has vastly improved, corruption is down and the opium trade has all but disappeared”.

Days later, four members of the defence select committee tabled a no-confidence motion in an effort to remove him from the important position.

The minutes of a meeting held on Wednesday showed that two Tories – Mark Francois and Richard Drax – and two Labour MPs – Derek Twigg and Kevan Jones – supported the motion.

A vote will not take place imminently, however, as the Commons is breaking up for the summer recess on Thursday afternoon.

After the backlash, Ellwood said: “The last couple of days have probably been the most miserable as a member of parliament,” adding: “I got it wrong.”

He called the row a Twitter “storm” and said he stood by criticisms in the video about Britain’s lack of engagement with Afghanistan’s new leadership since the chaotic exit of western countries’ armed forces from Kabul nearly two years ago.

But Ellwood used a TV interview to repeatedly apologise, and said the video “could have been much better done”.

“It’s important to put your hand up and acknowledge errors, however well intentioned,” the Bournemouth East MP and former army captain told TalkTV.

“I stand up, I speak my mind. I try and find solutions especially on the international stage, and I’m very, very sorry that my reflection of my visit could have been much better worded and have been taken out of context.”

While on a trip to India with the defence select committee, Ellwood deleted the video and issued a statement saying his reflections about Afghanistan under Taliban rule “could have been better worded” and he was sorry for “poor communication”.

Ellwood said the video, which critics said had a “wish you were here” feel and was set over uplifting music, was meant to focus on his push for Britain to reopen its embassy in Afghanistan.

After his visit there with the Halo trust, which helps clear landmines from former war zones, Ellwood said he had been repeatedly drawn to Afghanistan since losing his brother in the 2002 Bali terrorist bombing.

“During my visit last week, I witnessed something I did not expect to see – an eerie calm and a visible change in security, corruption and opium growth which I felt obliged to report,” he said in the statement.

“But I also saw a very vulnerable economy that will soon collapse without international intervention, turning this country into a failed state, with terrorist camps no doubt returning and triggering mass migration.”

Having been criticised for glossing over the erosion of women’s and girls’ rights under the Taliban, Ellwood said in the statement he had witnessed the “increasing restrictions” they faced.

“This suggests our current strategy, of shouting from afar, after abruptly abandoning the country in 2021, is not working. My simple call to action was to see our embassy reopen again and pursue a more direct strategy to help the 40 million people that we abandoned.”

Tory MPs try to oust Tobias Ellwood from defence role for praising Taliban
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Exclusive: Audit fails to win U.S. backing for release of Afghan central-bank funds

By  and 

WASHINGTON/ISLAMABAD, July 21 (Reuters) – A U.S.-funded audit of Afghanistan’s Taliban-run central bank has failed to win Washington’s backing for a return of bank assets from a $3.5 billion Swiss-based trust fund, said two U.S. officials and a former U.S. official, a move that would help ease the country’s financial crisis.

The audit has not changed the U.S. Treasury’s view that the bank must make reforms before the department will support disbursements from the Afghan Fund to Da Afghanistan Bank, or DAB, as the central bank is known, said a U.S. Treasury official on condition of anonymity.

The Swiss-based Afghan Fund was set up last year with half of about $7 billion in central bank funds that were frozen in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York in August 2021 after the Taliban took control of the country as the last foreign forces withdrew following two decades of war.

DAB must show that it is free “from political influence and interference,” said the Treasury official, referring to the need for professional bankers to replace the three Taliban officials who oversee the bank and are under U.S. and U.N. sanctions.

It also must prove that it has “adequate” controls against money-laundering and terrorism financing and install a “reputable” independent monitor, said the Treasury official.

“Our assessment of DAB remains unchanged,” said one of the U.S. officials. The two officials and the former U.S. official, who has knowledge of the U.S. position, spoke on condition of anonymity because of the confidentiality of the matter.

A Taliban administration spokesman and a spokesperson for the Afghan central bank did not respond to request for comment.

Concerns in Washington and other capitals about the bank’s leadership and anti-money laundering safeguards are at the heart of a standoff over the Taliban’s demand for the return of DAB cash frozen in the United States and other countries after the Taliban seized power.

Because the four-member board that oversees the trust fund must approve disbursements unanimously, the support of its U.S. government representative is essential.

Afghanistan remains mired in grave humanitarian and economic crises that some experts say has been worsened by U.S. restrictions hampering DAB’s ability to perform key central bank functions, such as ensuring stable exchange rates and prices.

The audit, funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and conducted by an outside contractor, examined DAB’s controls against money laundering and terrorism financing, and its banking oversight and payments departments, according to an April report by the U.S. Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction.

The findings have not been made public.

Calling the audit a “preliminary assessment,” the Treasury official said its “limitations” suggested that “more comprehensive third-party assessment efforts may be needed.”

Shah Mehrabi, an Afghan-American economics professor who is on DAB’s governing board and co-chairs the Afghan Fund board, said the audit – which he has not seen – was completed in March and currently is with the State Department.

The State Department declined to comment.

Mehrabi and his co-chair, Anwar ul-Haq Ahady, a former DAB governor and former finance minister, told Reuters that they would consider the findings once they are available.

Mehrabi said use of the Afghan Fund’s assets should focus on stabilising prices and ensuring banks had enough liquidity, as the entire financial system was at risk from declining foreign donor funds to Afghanistan.

The other $3.5 billion in DAB assets frozen in the United States is being sought in lawsuits against the Taliban brought by families of victims of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States. A U.S. judge in February ruled against the plaintiffs who are appealing.

Reporting by Jonathan Landay and Charlotte Greenfield Editing by Don Durfee and Miral Fahmy
Exclusive: Audit fails to win U.S. backing for release of Afghan central-bank funds
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From Land-grabbing to Haircuts: The decrees and edicts of the Taleban supreme leader 

The decrees, edicts and instructions of Taleban supreme leader Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, from 2016, when he became leader, to May 2023, have been published. They make fascinating reading, tracing some of what the leadership felt was important to ban, make obligatory, organise or administer during the insurgency and since recapturing power. Some themes are repeated – land and land-grabbing, administrative corruption and treatment of prisoners, including using torture without a court order. Several orders enjoin Taleban fighters to good behaviour, such as not letting hair grow below the shoulders, not using profanities and avoiding cronyism and ethnocentrism. Alongside AAN’s English translation of the decrees, which can be found in the Resources section of our website, Kate Clark has been delving into their substance to see what they tell us about the Taleban’s leader and the Islamic Emirate.

65 decrees, edicts and instructions from Mullah Hibatullah have been published in the Official Gazette (announcement here). The original orders in Dari and Pashto, as well as an unofficial English translation by AAN are available in the Resources section of the AAN website. A list of the orders (brief title and number) can also be found here.

A forthcoming report on Taleban publications will examine, a book by their Chief Justice, Abdul Hakim Haqqani, “Al-Emarat al-Islamiya wa Nidhamuha” (The Islamic Emirate and its System of Governance), which may be the fullest and most authoritative account yet of the Taleban’s vision of governance.

Ruling by decree is nothing new. The Islamic Republic’s presidents, Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani, and before them, the first Taleban amir, Mullah Omar, also issued decrees and edicts which had the force of law. According to the 2004 Constitution of the Islamic Republic, the National Assembly, with its two houses, was the highest legislative organ in the country (the cabinet could also suggest laws to MPs). The president could issue decrees of two types: administrative (regulatory) and legislative only in emergencies and which were supposed to be temporary and needed parliamentary approval (if MPs voted a decree down, it would be rescinded). The cabinet could also issue regulations, and ministries could issue policy documents, such as action plans and other administrative documents, without the need for approval by the cabinet or parliament.”

The Islamic Emirate’s legislative process is far less clear and there is far less literature on its nature and organisation. Existing literature suggests that among the Emirate’s key attributes are that “all branches of government are subject to the authority of the emir” and that “basic rights are defined/limited by Sharia as interpreted by the emir/leadership” (see this USIP report).

Hibatullah is the highest authority in the Emirate, and his orders are the law. Under the Emirate, there is no parliament and legislative, executive and judicial powers are the exclusive purview of the amir. The 2004 constitution has apparently been suspended (according to UNAMA, quoting the acting Deputy Minister of Justice on 22 September 2022 in which he said it was unnecessary (see TOLO News, “Officials: Afghanistan Does Not Need a Constitution”, quoted in UNAMA’s May 2023 report “Corporal Punishment and the Death Penalty in Afghanistan” p10). Islamic judges and muftis, including the Emirate’s fatwa-issuing institution, the Dar al-Ifta, are also powerful and their rulings are enforceable. Relevant departments have the authority to draw up legislation. It is reviewed by the Ministry of Justice and a special commission before being sent to Hibatullah for sign-off (see decree (9) on page 67 of AAN’s unofficial translation dated 24 October 2022, which sets out the process and principles for enacting legislative documents).

Like his predecessors, the numbering of Hibatullah’s orders is inconsistent, for example, in his first year as leader, he issued four orders, numbered 82, 85, 86 and 87, with 83 and 84 missing. One of the orders from 2022 also refers to an earlier unpublished set of instructions by name, date and volume number: it had forbidden officials from holding “needless and lavish” wedding ceremonies when they married for a second, third or fourth time. The 2022 order instructed the Taleban’s ‘morality police’, Amr bil Maruf, to identify those disobeying instructions and report them to the leadership.[1]

Karzai and Ghani both issued decrees that were never published. It was unclear whether this was because they were too sensitive or too trivial or just because the system was not standardised. Maybe this is also the case for Hibatullah.[1] Whether or not this is a complete list, there is much in the 65 published orders[2] that is of interest: they point to what was important at the time to the leadership.

The orders span the last seven years, with the first issued in 2016, when Hibatullah took over as Taleban supreme leader following the killing of his predecessor, Mullah Akhtar Mansur, in an American drone attack (Hibatullah’s second order accepts and endorses all of Mansur’s orders). 19 orders were issued during the insurgency (four in 2016, six in 2017, none in 2018, seven in 2019 and two in 2020), and the bulk since the Taleban and Hibatullah captured power in August 2021.

The insurgency-era decrees are mostly to do with keeping control of fighters and commanders and ironing out arbitrary or potentially problematic behaviour. Some cover conduct in war – how to treat prisoners, not growing long hair and not using profanities in communications – this is “inappropriate” and gives the enemy “an excuse for insulting the mujahedin [as the Taleban call themselves].” Also important is curbing behaviour in the field which would harm higher-order priorities, for example, accepting government soldiers who have switched sides, even if they bring no weapons with them, and not persecuting defectors; the leadership wanted to encourage defections and government soldiers and officials needed to have confidence that amnesties would be honoured to come over.

Other insurgency-era orders are to do with quasi-state functions, sometimes with an apparent eye to trying to prevent administrative corruption in the ranks, for example the ban on seizing land, the order to hand over Emirate property to one’s successor upon redeployment, not publishing books without the leadership’s permission and the proper use of seals. One of the decrees, about how to certify a person is missing so that a widow can re-marry (the decree only refers to dead male spouses), looks to be a response to a need for legal clarity in an organisation which saw so many of its members killed.

After the Taleban’s capture of power and its transformation, once again, into Afghanistan’s rulers, many more of Hibatullah’s orders have been to do with administration and ensuring order within the state: which ministries should report to which of the acting Prime Minister’s deputies, relocating departments and courts, defining the duties of various government bodies, defining the stages legislative documents go through and ordering the Supreme Court to send its decisions to the leadership. A good number look to be trying to head off administrative corruption, while many deal with the security services, including purging the ranks of “undesirable and corrupt people.”

However, it is noticeable that the 46 orders issued since the Taleban’s return to power are not aimed at redesigning the administration of the Afghan state. The ideology and aims of the Emirate certainly represent a very clear break from the past. The Emirate’s leaders, from the amir down to many in civil service middle management, are also new to their posts, along with almost all the security forces and judiciary personnel. Yet, the Emirate has largely kept the administrative and financial systems and institutions of the Republic intact, and Hibatullah’s orders are not those of a leader seeking to overturn them. Rather, the changes they institute are largely marginal to the state’s bureaucracy, financial system and administrative systems, aimed not at nullifying them, but, as the Taleban presumably see it, improving what they have inherited.

Some themes running through the orders

Hibatullah appears particularly concerned with two areas of governance, both as leader of an insurgent movement and later ruler of a state – firstly, the courts and secondly, the fighters who would become the Emirate’s security services – with some overlap, for example, the treatment of prisoners of war and the role of military courts.

This attention is hardly surprising. The Taleban’s founding legend, from 1994 Kandahar, is that its formation was prompted by the need to deliver justice and free the people from tyranny. During the insurgency, Taleban courts, whether fixed or mobile, have been the key service the movement has delivered, including during the insurgency in areas under its control or influence (education, health and other services continued to be delivered by the Islamic Republic, as AAN’s 2018-2021 series on service delivery in insurgency-influenced districts detailed). As to the orders’ focus on fighters/the security services, from 1994 until 2021, the movement’s primary activity was fighting. Much of the leadership’s attention has naturally been devoted to organising and controlling its large body of armed men. Some themes emerging in the orders are looked at in more detail below.

Land grabbing and other corrupt administrative practices/abuses of power

Land is the subject of six out of the 65 orders – roughly ten per cent of the total – and features both before and after the takeover: state land can be leased to the public (2017) and; private land must not be seized by the ‘mujahedin’ or anyone else (2019). After the takeover, the first two published orders concerned land. In the first five weeks after the Taleban captured the Afghan capital, Hibatullah ordered the end to what he said had been “the norm” under the “puppet administration” – the usurpation of state land. He also ordered provincial governors “to rigorously prevent the grabbing of Emarati [state] land and hand over usurpers to face Sharia law.”

A month later, in October 2021, he again banned land-grabbing, this time for land whose ownership was not clear. Only the supreme amir, the order decreed, “Based on necessity and expediency, can give [such land] to a member (of the Muslim community) as property.” The decree drew a parallel with what it said was the amir’s right to “withdraw from the public coffer [bait ul-maal]” and presumably give money to someone, again because of expediency. This is something also banned for others, elsewhere in this body of orders. In March 2023, the ban on officials selling land, or transferring land to individuals or corporations, was repeated unless there was a specific decree from the amir.[3]

Land has always been and will remain a source of controversy and conflict in Afghanistan. Throughout the war, since 1978, it has been seized by successive administrations and victorious commanders, creating layers of claims and counterclaims. Even before the Saur Coup, rulers in Kabul ceded land, typically to particular ethnic groups and tribes for political reasons, making ownership an even more historic source of lingering conflict.[4]That land has emerged again as an issue requiring the amir’s attention is entirely unsurprising.

Another issue that has appeared both in insurgency-era orders and since the re-establishment of the Emirate concerns state property: officials who are redeployed should not take “office accessories and state equipment,” including vehicles, with them but hand the property over to their successor (2019). In 2022, that ban was repeated twice, and in the second became even stronger and more explicit – a part of a long decree outlining the formation, duties and powers of the Security and Screening Commission, whose main task was to purge the ranks of the security forces, the text said:

Any individual involved in looting or removing without authorisation from the leadership, equipment, military or non-military vehicles, ammunition or gear belonging to the Islamic Emirate will be hunted down and the property of bait ul-maal (public coffer) will be recovered. If felt necessary, they should be expelled from the defence and security organisations and introduced to the military court.

The amir is explicitly excluded both from the ban on taking from the public coffer and the ban on transferring ownership of land. In these areas, Hibatullah has taken on monopoly powers.[5] It is easy to see how new cycles of conflict could be set up by his giving away land, if the transfers are seen as biased or unfair. As to taking from the public coffer, if at scale, this would undermine the public finance system, given that budgeting and ensuring spending does not exceed revenues is so crucial to the steady running of government and stewardship of the economy.

There are also a slew of orders attempting to prevent different types of administrative corruption that have been issued since the Taleban recaptured power and its officials came to control so many resources. They include: a ban on double salaries (2022), that revenues must be collected transparently and then, “to avoid irregularities and chaos,” must be handed over to the Ministry of Finance, with no independent spending of them (2022), the establishment of a National Procurement Commission (October 2022), and various spending limits for ministries and departments set, above which the Commission has to approve procurements (also October 2022) and – because corrupt procurement was still a problem? – a ban on state officials and employees and private companies in which officials and employees have shares or management responsibilities tendering bids for goods, services or gaining contracts for building materials or mines (2023).

A particularly strong decree, quoting a Hadith threatening hell for perpetrators, was issued in 2022, forbidding ‘cronyism’ in public recruitments; officials should not award jobs to their relatives or friends, it said. The message was repeated in a later order that year in a long decree concerning the behaviour and attitudes of the ‘mujahedin’. They are ordered to act only for God, to be pious, fair, kind and just, to eschew arrogance, to “strictly avoid ethnocentrism, regionalism, language-centrism and cronyism and refrain from cheating the public coffer (repeated twice in the same order), to pray in the mosque and support the families of the martyrs. The order appeared aimed at closing the gap between how the movement views its ideal self and the reality on the ground.

Other orders look less concerned with preventing corruption and more to do with ensuring financial matters are regular and systematised: for example, aligning the financial affairs of state bodies when it comes to salaries, e’asha(lunch and other free food provided to staff) and other expenses within the financial system of the Central Bank and Ministry of Finance (2022) and aligning salaries in the three branches of the security services (Ministries of Interior, Defence and the General Directorate of Intelligence) (2022). In the same year, the amir also ordered the Commission of Economy to activate all idle state-owned sources of revenue generation and inform the leadership about them.

Justice: courts, prisoners, punishment and torture

15 orders, or just under a quarter of the total, deal with justice, including the courts, lawyers, prisoners and legislation. Before the takeover, the main focus was on the treatment of prisoners of war, with some orders repeated after the takeover, but concerning prisoners in general.

Hibatullah’s first published order, in June 2016, referred to what he said were recent instances of “captured prisoners of war being arbitrarily subjected to tazir [discretionary][6] or inappropriate punishment and, in some cases, even killing without the knowledge of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan’s General Directorate of Courts.” No one has the right to punish a prisoner, the order insisted, nor exempt them from punishment, with the exception of the amir or his deputy. Furthermore, filming the scene of a killing was banned, and if an execution was ordered, it must be by firing.

In 2017, the ban on filming executions was repeated, along with a ban on filming the beating of enemy soldiers and implementing hudud and qisas punishments,[7] and all executions had to be approved by all three tiers of the justice system (primary, appeal and supreme) and the leadership.

Similar orders were given in November 2019 – quoting the Quran and Hadith, to treat captives well – and in November 2020, that “only a Sharia court has the prerogative to decide on the guilt of a suspect and punish criminals.” That order goes on to instruct all officials and mujahedin to pay the utmost attention to two points:

1. No one has the right to beat with sticks, [use] whips [dura] or cables or torture [a person] in any other way without a court order. When mujahedin take someone into custody, be they a political or criminal prisoner, they have no right to punish [that person] without a court order;

2. No one has the right to take photographs of the scene of a punishment or to film it. 

Violators will be “considered criminals,” the decree goes on to say and will be punished for “disobeying Sharia norms and decrees, disturbing public order and defaming the Islamic Emirate.” In 2019, Hibatullah again ordered officials to refrain from torturing, because torture, like tazir punishments, could only be carried out with a court order. Also, suspects must not be kept under investigation for more than a month, unless, again, officials obtain a court order. Without court orders, it says, torture or punishment is “not justice, but oppression [zulm]. Preventing zulm is an obligation [wajeb], while allowing it to happen is forbidden [haram].”

For human rights advocates, this and some of the later orders are significant because, under International Humanitarian Law, torture is always illegal – regardless of whether a court or anyone else has authorised it. Others have deployed torture in Afghanistan in recent years, the United States military and CIA and the Republic’s intelligence agency, the National Directorate of Security (NDS) in particular, but they either denied it was happening, insisted what they did was not really torture or implied it was necessary, even though it was illegal. Only the Emirate has been so frank about torturing detainees.[8]

After the takeover, in March 2022, all these commands were repeated: avoid torture and punishment of detainees – both are the “sole prerogative of the courts,” while keeping detainees under investigation was now not permitted beyond ten days, again, unless with a court order.

The frequent repetition of the same commands strongly suggests there has been a continuing problem with torture and arbitrary punishment. The latter has been tracked by UNAMA in its human rights reporting, most recently in a report published on 7 May 2023, which collated evidence both of non-court authorities, eg provincial and district governors, implementing punishments after a formal decision, and non-judicial officials, such as Amr bil Maruf, police and intelligence officials, carrying out punishments ad hoc. (See UNAMA, “UNAMA Brief on Corporal Punishment and the Death Penalty in Afghanistan” and AAN’s analysis.)

Since the takeover, the amir has placed an emphasis on the organisation of the justice system, especially the place of the military courts, setting limits on their jurisdiction (2021), ordering the establishment of an implementation force, merging military courts within the structure of the Supreme Court (2022) and finally, dissolving the Ministry of Defence’s military courts (2022).

Other orders have moved all specialisations in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and issuing fatwas from the Ministry of Justice to the Ministry of Higher Education (2022), with Justice also losing the Law Department, this time to the Supreme Court (2022). The time taken for laws to be drafted has been set (2022), as has the time given to law courts to consider cases (2023), while new procedures were established for licensing law firms (2022).

The Emirate’s fighters/security services 

Many of the 65 orders focus on controlling the ‘mujahedin’ and, after the takeover, organising them into security services and purging their ranks. The last published order before the Taleban’s capture of power was a decree liquidating ‘general fronts’, issued in January 2021. Like the mujahedin factions before them, the Taleban recruited and organised themselves organically in a multi-level military hierarchy of district and provincial commanders, ultimately all falling under the movement’s Military Commission. A ‘mahaz’, usually translated – somewhat confusingly as ‘front’ – is a grouping of groups of fighters, totalling anywhere between 200 and 1000 men, led ultimately by a single commander. This was highly useful and effective for organising an insurgency, but was always risky for the leadership as it created the potential for rival centres of power to emerge if a commander’s influence extended too widely. This decree sought to limit fronts to their commander’s own province. It banned recruitment from other provinces and said that any group loyal to a commander, but active in another province should come under the orders of that province’s governor. “General fronts,” it said, were “forbidden in the structure of the Islamic Emirate.[9]

After the takeover, several orders were issued to do with ‘cleansing’ the ranks and ensuring those who fail vetting cannot join other services. The US military did not destroy biometric data gathered from members of the Republic’s Afghan security forces and NDS, which meant the Emirate had a database to work from (see reporting, for example, by Human Rights Watch, on 30 March 2022). In 2021, a new body, the Military Commission, was set up with the task of purging the Emirate’s security forces of “undesirable and corrupt people.” This was followed in 2022 by an order to the security services to register ‘mujahedin’ with biometrics taken and positions and salaries specified. Later that year, a very long and detailed decree set out the duties of another new body, the Security and Screening Commission, also with a mandate to purge.

Conclusion

The orders published in the Official Gazette give us insights into what was important to the leadership at particular moments. Where problems have not been resolved, orders have been repeated, for example, the multiple bans on various types of land-grabbing, officials taking state property when they are redeployed, arbitrary punishment and unauthorised torture.

The body of orders also gives insight into the thinking and principles behind the orders. References to consultations with the ulema and reference to Hanafi jurisprudence feature prominently in the texts. Citations backing up the orders include some verses from the Quran and Hadiths and named collections of fatwas and exegeses of the Quran (tafsir).

There are also insights into what appears to interest or annoy Hibatullah personally. Only ask for a fatwa – a religious decision on a particular matter – officials were told in 2022, if the issue you are concerned about has not already been decided in your ministry’s rules and regulations. Was the leader being pestered for decisions?

Another order, issued just before the start of the new university year in 2022, delved into the minutiae of the religious education curricula of university students, even referring to spelling mistakes in the draft. The length and detail suggest this subject is particularly close to the Taleban’s supreme leader’s heart.

All orders can be read in the Resources section of the AAN website, both the PDF original, issued by the Ministry of Justice and an unofficial English translation by AAN.

Edited by Roxanna Shapour and Jelena Bjelica

References

References
↑1 The Department for Invitation and Guidance on Promoting Virtue and Preventing Vice (Dawat wa Ershad Amr bil-Maruf wa Nahi al-Munkar) is typically shortened by Afghans to ‘Amr bil-Maruf’ or, in English, ‘Vice and Virtue’. The same names are also used for its enforcers, also known in English as the Taleban’s ‘morality’ or ‘religious police’.

After the Taleban gained power in August 2023, the department became a ministry and was renamed the Ministry for Invitation and Guidance on Promoting Virtue and Preventing Vice and Hearing of Complaints. For more, on this body, see AAN’s report: Sabawoon Samim, “Policing Public Morality: Debates on promoting virtue and preventing vice in the Taleban’s second Emirate”, 15 June 2022.

↑2 There are a few important orders that we know about that have not been published, for example, the insurgency-era set of instructions banning the cultivation of cannabis (4/8/1441 (29 March 2020) No: 86/5), AAN wrote about the ban and published a translated text of the instructions as an annex to our report, “What now for the Taleban and Narcotics? A case study on cannabis”.
↑3  The other decree concerning land ordered the transfer of the Land Department from the Ministry of Urban Development to the Ministry Agriculture, Irrigation and Livestock in 2022.
↑4  For more on this, see Liz Alden Wiley’s 2013 paper for AREU, “Land, People, and the State in Afghanistan: 2002 – 2012”, which reviewed the formal treatment of land rights in Afghanistan over the post-Bonn decade (2002–2012). For a recent case study of the historical dispute between Kuchi nomad landlords and settled, largely Hazara farmers and how this was renewed by shifts in power after the Taleban takeover, see Fabrizio Foschini’s 2022 paper for AAN, “Conflict Management or Retribution? How the Taleban deal with land disputes between Kuchis and local communities”.
↑5 In its November 2020 report “The Nature of the Afghan State: Republic vs. Emirate” USIP describes the key attributes of the Emirate as: sovereignty is manifested through implementation of Sharia; leader is chosen by a select Islamic shura, or council;  all branches of government are subject to the authority of the emir; and basic rights are defined/limited by Sharia as interpreted by the emir/leadership. Put another way: “The emir has near absolute executive, legislative and judicial authority, and while hypothetically having the same rights and responsibilities as other Afghan citizens [cites The Taliban’s draft Constitution of 1998, article 59] there are no provisions for accountability. Individual rights and freedoms are also subject to the limits of Sharia as determined by the emir and selected ulema.”
↑6  Islamic law has a standard three-way categorisation of offences and punishments (used by the Republic as well as the Emirate).

Hudud offences have punishments viewed as fixed by the Qur’an or Hadith and are perceived as offences against God; they include zina (sex outside marriage), accusing someone falsely of zina, drinking alcohol and some types of theft.

Qisas is a form of retributive justice between the victim, or their family, and the perpetrator. It allows for equal retaliation in cases of intentional bodily harm, up to and including murder. These crimes may also be forgiven by the victim or their family, or resolved between families with blood money or by giving a bride to the victim or a member of their family in what is called a bad marriage (this type of marriage was banned by Mullah Omar during the Taleban’s first emirate and in December 2021 (decree number 83, vol 1) by Hibatullah.

All other offences are given tazir punishments, which are at the discretion of a judge or ruler.

Different offences within all three categories may receive corporal, capital or other types of punishment.

↑7  For an explanation of hudud and qisas, see the previous footnote.
↑8 See AAN dossier “Detentions in Afghanistan – Bagram, Transfer and Torture.”
↑9 For more on the role and nature of fronts in the insurgency, see AAN guest author Rahmatullah Amiri’s second report in a two-part series from 2016 on how Helmand province was then falling to the Taleban, “Helmand (2): The chain of chiefdoms unravels”.

 

From Land-grabbing to Haircuts: The decrees and edicts of the Taleban supreme leader 
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The Taliban embrace cultural heritage

The Economist

Jul 11th 2023 | KABUL

Afghanistan’s rulers no longer want to smash up the country’s pre-Islamic riches

Visitors look at the exhibits at the National Museum of Afghanistan in Kabul after it reopened under Taliban control

Pondering the idolatrous

When the Taliban barrelled into Kabul in August 2021, the curators of Afghanistan’s national museum stashed away its pre-Islamic treasures. During the Islamists’ previous spell in power, the Taliban minister of finance led an axe-wielding wrecking crew to smash up thousands of the pre-Islamic artefacts bequeathed by Afghanistan’s staggeringly rich history. Determined to prevent a repeat performance, museum employees camped for nights on end in the battered 1920s Kabul villa that houses its collections.

Yet this time the Taliban have shown no interest in demolishing the museum’s thousand-year-old statues of Buddha and pagan wooden effigies of Nuristan (many of which have been laboriously stuck back together by museum staff over the past two decades). The staff say the Taliban culture ministry, which oversees the museum, is supportive. Senior officials, including Kabul’s mayor and the minister of foreign affairs, have made friendly visits. A handful of rank-and-file Taliban drop in most days, adding to a flow of visitors dominated by school parties. “They seem surprised and pleased that they have a history and a culture,” says the museum’s acting director, Muhammad Zubair Ebadi. “Totally, their mentality has changed.”

The Taliban, who in 2001 destroyed the giant sixth-century Buddhas carved into the cliffs of Bamiyan, in central Afghanistan, are also showing a benign attitude towards archaeological digs. They are even backing a project to save the remains of a synagogue left by the long-departed Jewish community of Herat. With improved security across the country—chiefly thanks to the end of the Taliban’s own insurgency—a mini-spike in archaeology has been inspired. “They have been really, really helpful,” says Jolyon Leslie, a South African architect and veteran of Afghanistan’s cultural sector. A special police unit has been tasked with preserving cultural heritage. Taliban officials in the southern province of Zabul were punished after being caught trying to sell ancient artifacts.

Still, satellite imagery suggests much more needs to be done to stop the looting of archaeological sites. There is also no guarantee the clerics will maintain their benevolent attitude. They turned to systematic cultural destruction only five years after they first assumed power, once their relations with the outside world had hit rock bottom. And the Taliban’s leader, Haibatullah Akhundzada, appears again to be taking a more hardline direction. Against the wishes of many of his ministers, he has imposed bans on female education and employment. On July 2nd the Taliban ordered the closure of beauty parlours.

The clerics are said to be concerned to prevent their foot-soldiers switching to another militant group, Islamic State Khorasan Province, which has more uncompromising views, including on non-Muslim culture. Wisely, the museum’s curators have no imminent plans to restore their treasured Buddhas and Nuristani statues to its galleries. “They are all valuable and we don’t want to risk them being broken by someone,” says Mr Ebadi tactfully. ■

This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline “Nights at the museum”

The Taliban embrace cultural heritage
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Islamic Emirate Invited to Moscow Format Meeting

Muttaqi asked the Russian ambassador to facilitate visas for Afghan businessmen and citizens.

Russia’s ambassador to Afghanistan, Dmitry Zhirnov, in a meeting with the acting foreign minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi, asked Muttaqi to participate in the upcoming meeting of the Moscow format, which is going to be held on Afghanistan.

Hafiz Zia Ahmad Takal, deputy spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry, said that the acting foreign minister said that the Moscow Format meeting plays a crucial role in bringing regional coordination.

Muttaqi asked the Russian ambassador to facilitate visas for Afghan businessmen and citizens.

“The Russian ambassador briefed the foreign minister about the Moscow format meeting on Afghanistan and invited the acting minister of foreign affairs to the next Moscow format meeting on Afghanistan,” Takal noted.

According to some political analysts, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan should take advantage of these meetings to strengthen ties with neighboring nations and the international community.

“As much as Afghanistan’s interests are seen in a country, if it’s a superpower like Russia or China, and it is in the interest of Afghanistan, Afghanistan must take action immediately and conduct its interactions in line with national interests,” said Janat Fahim Chackari, a political analyst.

“If Afghanistan has a firm agenda, a solid program, and a decent dialogue there, then there will be an achievement, otherwise the meeting and the conclusion of the meeting will be pointless,” said Aziz Marij, a political analyst.

This comes as in the past one and a half years Russia had held the Moscow Format meeting on the situation of Afghanistan three times, and only in one of the meetings has a representative of the Islamic Emirate been invited.

Islamic Emirate Invited to Moscow Format Meeting
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Commission: 15 Members of Previous Govt Returned in Past Week

Meanwhile, some political figures who have returned to the country asked the current government to provide work to professionals in the country.

The “Commission for the Return and Communications with Former Afghan Officials and Political Figures” said that in the past week, 15 members of the previous government, including political and military figures, returned to the country.

Ahmadullah Wasiq, the commission’s spokesperson, told TOLOnews that over 600 Afghans living abroad, including high-ranking officials of the previous government, have filled out forms in order to return to Afghanistan.

“So far, 605 individuals have returned to their country, of which 15 people returned in the last week alone. These figures include former ministers, governors, deputies, and members of parliament,” Wasiq said.

Meanwhile, some political figures who have returned to the country asked the current government to provide work to professionals in the country.

“The commission plan is very successful, but the government should provide work opportunities to those who come to the country based on their competence and professionalism,” said Aziz Safi, the former secretary of the Kapisa Provincial Council in the previous government.

Other political figures who have returned to the country emphasize that the Islamic Emirate should further facilitate the return of the country’s citizens.

“Those who have returned to the country should be in direct contact with the relevant institutions so that they can be used in a positive way,” said Amanullah Ghalib, former head of Breshna Company.

“It would be good that a constitution is made in Afghanistan and the security institutions regulate the duties under their authority, as well as if the problem of caretakers as ministers is resolved and the rights of the Afghan people are clarified. Then, every political figure in Afghanistan will feel safe and consider the government to be their own,” said Kamal Nasser Osoli, a former member of the house of representatives in the previous government.

According to the figures of the “Commission for the Return and Communications with Former Afghan Officials and Political Figures”, 605 people have returned to the country since the beginning of the commission’s activity.

Commission: 15 Members of Previous Govt Returned in Past Week
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With dreams, and caffeine, former Afghan pilot strives to bring family to US

BY HEATHER ROUSSEAU
Associated Press

ROANOKE, Va. (AP) — Gripping a wrench and pulling back with all his might, Tashmorad Qara loosened the heavy cap on a fire hydrant. When the water spouted, he took a sample, closed the hydrant at a Roanoke apartment complex, then he and his partner headed off for the next one.

Qara likes his job as a water quality technician at the Western Virginia Water Authority, but it’s just not the same as his old job: flying missions for the Afghan Air Force against the Taliban. His real name is not being used for fear of reprisals from the Taliban.

Almost 10 years into his career as a military pilot, Qara, 37, became completely grounded after his evacuation from Afghanistan in 2021, when the United States military left the country and the Taliban regained power. Qara lost his career, his family and his ability to fly.

Two years ago, Qara flew the skies of northern Afghanistan in a PC-12 airplane, helping U.S. special operations forces by scouting for Taliban positions in the rugged mountains.

“I’ve done a lot of dangerous missions in Afghanistan to capture the bad guys like Al-Qaeda and Taliban,” Qara said.

“We were always chasing the bad guys.”

Equipped with night vision goggles and infrared cameras, Qara flew hidden by darkness at maximum altitudes of 12,000 to 25,000 feet — “nobody can hear us or see us,” he said.

Now, he is grounded in Roanoke, where his pilot experience does him no good because the Federal Aviation Administration does not recognize his Afghan military credentials and requires multiple steps before he can obtain a pilot license or commercial-flight certificate in the United States.

“I feel sad sometimes because I am still thinking about flying,” Qara said. “It was my dream to fly a plane.”

When he was about 10 years old, Qara watched an Afghan pilot make an emergency landing with a helicopter in his farming village in northern Afghanistan. Qara has wanted to fly ever since. “It was the first time I have seen a big helicopter,” Qara said. “People was all around, it was kind of exciting to see.”

When Qara was in high school a family friend in the Afghan military visited his village. Qara went to ask him about being a pilot and was told he needed to learn English, the language used in aviation around the world.

Qara did not know anyone who could teach him, so he bought a book from a local shop translating phrases in his native language of Dari to English

He earned a degree in language and culture with a focus on aviation from the U.S. backed National Military Academy of Afghanistan in 2012. After graduation, he underwent flight training from the U.S. military in western Afghanistan.

“I loved my job when I was flying and serving my country,” he said. “Flying is my great passion. I wish I could fly again one day, but I don’t have the budget to go to school here” in the United States.

Qara would like to get his commercial pilot license in the U.S., but he said he cannot afford the cost of flight school. His story is common among refugees who come to the United States and find themselves in a place where their skills and talents go unused.

Qara works full-time as a water quality technician for the Western Virginia Water Authority at the Crystal Spring Plant in Roanoke, and on weekends and evenings he delivers food through DoorDash. After paying bills and sending money home to his family who remain in Afghanistan, Qara said he has no money left to pay for schooling to get a flight license in the U.S.

“It’s just like a sad story, leaving my own country. We had everything, I had a good salary. I was with my family with my kids,” Qara said.

Twenty-five percent of working-age Afghans who are newcomers to the United States are professionals with a higher education, according to a report from Upwardly Global, a nonprofit that helps refugees and immigrants restart their careers.

Joshua Garner, strategic communications director with the organization, explains that talent of foreign skilled individuals often goes unrecognized by U.S. employers.

“There are 2 million underemployed immigrants and refugees in the U.S. who are unable to find jobs at their skill level. It’s very common for us (Upwardly Global) to see people who are what we typically say have survival jobs, or jobs to make ends meet, when really they could contribute so much more to our country and our economy,” Garner said.

The professional or educated population of all newcomers to the United States is growing, with 48% coming with higher education experience in 2019 compared to 27% in 1990, according to a 2021 study from the Migration Policy Institute, a Washington, D.C., think tank that supports expanded immigration. However, the country is failing to leverage the skills from those educated immigrants trying to regain the career they left behind. Highly skilled immigrants are slightly less likely to use their professional skills, compared to those educated and born in the United States, according to the institute.

Family torn apart

During the chaos of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, Qara did not realize that when he parted with his family to fly a mission that it would be the last time he saw them.

Qara had started a two-week assignment in northern Afghanistan when a family friend called him from Kabul and informed him the Taliban was taking over the city. Qara reached out to the helicopter squadron commander on duty who confirmed the situation.

“We didn’t know what was going on,” Qara said. “He said, ‘The mission is done.’ I said ‘Why? The Taliban are still all around.’”

The squadron leader told Qara to fly back to Kabul where he would help with an evacuation of military personnel to the neighboring country of Uzbekistan.

“It all happened so fast,”Qara recalled.

He was stationed in the city of Mazar-e-Sharif in northern Afghanistan, about a 10-hour drive or 45-minute flight from Kabul, the country’s capital where Qara’s family lived.

The country was about to fall back into the hands of the Taliban, an extremist Islamist regime that had controlled Afghanistan in the 1990s before the United States invasion in 2001 in response to the 9/11 attacks.

Qara narrowly escaped the Mazar-e-Sharif airport. He did a tactical takeoff that he learned in training to get off the ground in a short distance. He turned off his airplane lights, a dangerous act as it was getting dark, he did not want to be seen. “I made a good decision at that time,” he recalled. He saw a fellow Afghan pilot, who departed with aircraft lights on, get shot down. The pilot ejected himself and landed back in the airport and survived but was badly injured from the landing.

When Qara made it back to Kabul, the Taliban was seizing his city.

“I saw the situation was not good,” he said. The capital of Afghanistan, typically bustling with men and women shopping at bazaars, visiting historic gardens or attending university, was filled with people running in terror, frantic to escape. His commanders told him it was not safe to leave the airport, but the next morning Qara went home to see his family.

“I said, ‘I haven’t seen my family. I want to at least see my family.’”

He made it home to his then-pregnant wife and two young sons, but could not stay long because he was instructed to help evacuate military personnel. Qara’s wife handed him his passport and cash before he left.

“I didn’t think I would leave forever,” he said. “I thought, ‘I will be back.’” That’s the last time he saw his family in person.

Qara said he took flight with 50 helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft to neighboring countries of Afghanistan. During the airlift operation, he carried 12 Afghan military personnel aboard a Pilatus PC-12 single-engine aircraft, designed to hold seven people. Qara said a helicopter squadron commander told him to fly to Uzbekistan where the U.S. had pre-authorized temporary relocation.

“Everyone was rushing,” Qara said. The Afghan pilots were taken by surprise as they approached the border and were forbidden to land in Uzbekistan. Qara circled the Uzbekistan-Afghanistan border for 45 minutes until he ran low on fuel and was forced to make an emergency landing at an airport in Uzbekistan. He would not talk to his family for a month.

Qara said when he landed his phone was taken from him and they were transported in a van with no windows to an Uzbeki military base and forced to stay in a tent encampment.

He said over the next two weeks they were held in tight quarters inside tents in the extreme heat with no showers and given stale and moldy bread to eat. “They treated us like prisoners,” Qara said.

Qara speaks Uzbeki, like many other people in Afghanistan. He chastised the military personnel for their poor treatment.

“I told them we were in a dangerous situation and they are not treating us like a good neighbor,” he said.

An Afghan commander had sneaked in a phone and texted a contact with the U.S., who two weeks later got them out of the camp and into a hotel where they stayed for two more weeks until Qara was able to get his phone back and call his family.

“My wife was shocked I was still alive,” he said. “She told me she went to the airport and try to escape but (realized) ‘I have two young kids, they are going to be killed.’”

Because of the chaos, shooting and bombing at the Kabul airport, his wife decided not to risk trying to escape.

After months of going through security procedures in multiple locations, Qara arrived in Roanoke in December 2021.

It was not safe for him or other U.S. allies to return to Afghanistan due to possible reprisals by the Taliban. Qara came to the United States under humanitarian parole and was sent to Roanoke by immigration officials because he had a contact nearby — a sister of a fellow pilot who lived near Blacksburg — and because the city is home to an office of Commonwealth Catholic Charities, one of the largest resettlement agencies in the state. More than 350 Afghans have resettled in the Roanoke and New River valleys since August 2021, with those numbers increasing.

Meanwhile, his wife and children are still on the run in Afghanistan, frequently changing locations, so the Taliban won’t find them and take revenge for Qara’s service with the Afghan military. He has yet to meet his infant daughter.

Qara desperately wants to get his family to Roanoke.

“Life doesn’t make sense for me with being away from my family,” Qara said.

“When I came here, I thought the government would help me bring my family because I used to work with the U.S. government.”

He is not alone in having family members left behind in Afghanistan and scared for their lives.

In November , the U.S. State Department launched an Afghan family reunification page on its website to help separated families reunite.

Approximately 3.2 million Afghans are displaced inside Afghanistan due to conflict, with two-thirds of the population in need of humanitarian and protection assistance, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency.

The Virginia Department of Social Services reports that 10,782 refugees from Afghanistan have been resettled in Virginia since 2021. Nearly 90,000 Afghans have been welcomed to the United States through Operation Allies Welcome, according to the State Department. Iran and Pakistan host 85% of displaced Afghans.

“My wife blames me everyday saying, ‘This is your fault we are still in Afghanistan,’” Qara said. “I say, ‘this was a tough situation, I didn’t know,’” Qara said.

Hope and friends

Bored and tormented with loss, Qara sat in a small studio room at the Mainstay Suites Airport hotel near Valley View in December 2021 after he arrived in Roanoke. CCC provided the temporary accommodation until it could find a permanent residence. Qara knew no one other than another Afghan pilot who fled with him, and who was also relocated to Roanoke. A couple of months later, the two became roommates when CCC found them an apartment in Roanoke.

Qara reached out on a neighborhood social media group and introduced himself. He asked if anyone would help him practice English and show him around his new Roanoke home.

After reading negative responses to his post, with people warning others not to trust him, Qara did not expect anyone to help him.

“I think they see my name, and not trust me,” Qara said.

Somebody replied anyway.

Andreas Panagore had been following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan in the news and said his heart felt for the Afghan people. Panagore, 30, who moved to Roanoke from Maine three years ago and owns a landscaping company called Ecoscape, also said he empathized with Qara’s loneliness in an unfamiliar city.

“I’ve been to new places before without friends and it can be hard,” Panagore said. “I was happy to help.”

Panagore wrote to Qara through a messaging app.

“Hello my friend, you want English lessons?”

They quickly formed a friendship.

“He’s such a personable guy,” Panagore said about Qara. “It’s really difficult to not be friends.”

Qara knew English but wanted to improve his communication skills. He began to inquire about terms and phrases that he did not understand. When watching a movie, he heard a couple say “on the rocks.” So, he asked Panagore what the phrase meant.

“On the rocks = not doing well,” Panagore wrote.

Panagore started sending Qara daily slang definitions.

“Today’s slang term is chillin,” Panagore said using the voice feature. “Chillin is usually used when somebody’s just hanging out. They’re either with friends or they’re alone. They’re not really doing much of anything. They’re chillin.”

Later, in May, the two reminisced while enjoying a traditional Afghani dish of chicken karahi that Qara prepared with tomatoes and hot peppers. The two sat at the table in Qara’s kitchen, holding their phones.

Panagore laughed when replaying his voice message defining “chillin.”

“I used a slang term in the definition,” he said, referring to “hanging out.” Qara probably didn’t know what either meant.

The two discussed a year and a half ago, during a chilly day in January, when Panagore drove Qara and his roommate to see downtown Roanoke. The three of them squeezed in the front of his Ford F-150 pickup. Panagore took his new Afghan friends to Cedars Lebanese Restaurant and to get savings rewards cards from Food Lion.

In a short time, Qara’s social circle grew because of his friendship with Panagore, who introduced him to Chris and Micki Brumfield.

“They was giving me positive energy to move forward and never give up, even though I lost everything. I’ve made really good friends here,” Qara said.

The Brumfield’s were motivated to help Qara and his roommate after hearing their stories.

“The fact that they were our allies, they were helping the U.S. We wanted to help them,” Micki said.

After a couple months staying at the hotel, CCC found the former Afghan pilots a place to live and provided them with beds, blankets and basic household items.

Katie Dillon, marketing manager with CCC, explains that a variety of factors make it time-consuming to find long-term housing for refugees, including low availability of affordable housing and need for government identification.

The nonprofit was in the process of obtaining additional furnishings when the Brumfield’s jumped into action, taking Qara and his roommate shopping for clothes and household items.

“They came to my house and they saw we had nothing,” Qara said. “They brought us TV and couches, a microwave, a new grill. I thought that one day I hope we can help them, too.”

Qara and his roommate took the first job they could get when they applied at Voyant Beauty, a cosmetics factory in northeast Roanoke where many refugees find work.

CCC works with the factory on a regular basis and is thankful for their partnership and readiness to promptly hire refugees. “While the positions may not always match the refugees’ skills they (the beauty factory) are still a way for them to earn an income and establish residency while they find something more suitable,” Dillon wrote in an email.

Qara was working on the assembly line at the factory, which became monotonous after having flown airplanes. He wanted a challenge.

The factory also lacked opportunities to improve his English.

“There was no chance to speak English with anyone,” he said. “The other people there, they do not speak English.”

Chris Brumfield, who works for the Western Virginia Water Authority, told Qara about a job fair for the water authority and gave him a good recommendation. Qara landed the job.

“I am so thankful to get a job at the water authority,” Qara said. “There, at least I can learn something.”

The past year Qara has worked to expand his skills and knowledge at the water authority. He is learning to look for water breaks and leaks to troubleshoot and read meters. Qara is on his way to getting a promotion to the second step of a water quality technician, according to his supervisor, Joel Bostic, water quality assist management strategist.

“We love having him, he’s a very hard worker,” Bostic said.

Panagore and the Brumfields, also helped him navigate his way through the confusing federal departments to try and get his family out of Afghanistan. Each of them emailed Rep. Ben Cline, R-Botetourt, whose office has started to work with the State Department on the reunification process.

“I said, ‘Hey, we need his family over here.’” Panagore said. “His office came back and said, ’OK, we’re gonna try to start working on that.”

As that process started, another major complication erupted. Russia invaded Ukraine and refugees from Ukraine started flooding the U.S. immigration network.

After four months of sending documents to the U.S. government and answering questions for U.S. officials, Qara received an email in early June from the State Department that began:

“Dear …….……,

Your application for family reunification assistance has been received, and you qualify for U.S. government assistance to provide family reunification assistance to your eligible family members outside the United States.”

Charlotte Law, communications director for Cline, confirmed the office is working on Qara’s case but would not discuss ongoing cases.

Qara called his wife to tell her the U.S. government approved her and their children to come to the U.S., but he warned he is still not sure how long it will take for action.

“She was so happy,” Qara said. “She said, ‘I’m counting the seconds to know some good news.’”

Qara’s wife had completed two years of her nursing degree when the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, he said, and banned higher education for women. The family remains in hiding, he said, while she and their children wait to come to the U.S., and as she studies English with a tutor three days a week in hopes of completing her degree when they resettle.

“I tell her to study English,” he said. “If you don’t know English it will be so difficult.”

In Afghanistan, Qara liked to fish, hunt and hike. Now settled in the Blue Ridge Mountains, he has visited places such as Apple Orchard Falls in Botetourt County and Mill Mountain.

While fishing at Smith Mountain Lake in early June, Qara set aside his rod in the boat and used his cellphone to speak to his family on FaceTime. It was night in Afghanistan, but daytime in the U.S. His youngest son cried, frustrated he was unable to be with his dad.

“My son, he was kind of mad and sad because he said, ‘Why are you not bringing us there? We are stuck here, I need a fish but I can’t find fish,’” Qara said. “It make me so sad.”

He asked his brother, who is in Afghanistan, to buy a fish from a market and take it to his family, but the feeling of helplessness remained.

Back in the pit

Qara said memories flooded his mind as he sat in the cockpit of a Diamond Star single-engine airplane, a type often used for pilot training. There was silence as he stared at the instruments and controls.

Orin Osmon, a retired U.S. Air Force pilot who was Qara’s flight instructor in Afghanistan, stood outside the airplane.

“How do you feel?” he asked. Qara smiled.

Although Qara cannot fly in the U.S., he enjoyed the experience sitting in the cockpit.

“One of my great memories was when I did my first solo flight,” Qara said.

He had bad memories too. Qara recalls the time when he lost control of the aircraft and recovered the plane after losing between 4,000 and 5,000 feet of altitude.

“I was so lucky I had altitude that night and (was) not close to the mountain,” Qara said.

The two pilots toured airplanes at Star Flight Training, a flight school located at Roanoke-Blacksburg Regional Airport. Osmon, who lives in Washington, D.C., visited Qara in December and organized the visit with Star Flight management. He thought Qara would appreciate sitting in an aircraft again.

Osmon now does contract work for Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency, flying a Beechcraft King Air plane to help the international agency enforce fishing rules in the South Pacific.

Osmon trained Qara during a flight screening program at Shindand Air Base in Afghanistan for about a year in 2012 and then again a few years later in Kabul. He also flew with Qara when he advanced from co-pilot to a pilot in command.

“He would come to class well prepared,” Osmon said. “He had a positive attitude. Very excited. He made it clear to the instructors there that he was glad to have them as instructors. And he had a sense of humor.”

Osmon explains that even though Qara was approved to fly by the U.S. military, the Federal Aviation Administration does not recognize documents that say he trained adequately. The FAA only accepts military pilot training if it is done in the U.S. And flight school can cost anywhere from $10,000 to $15,000.

Osmon said he has kept in contact with about 36 of the Afghan pilots he’s trained who resettled in the United States since the fall of Kabul. Some of the pilots have been able to pursue licensing from the FAA, but most try to save money to send home to family members left behind.

“As far as I can tell, they’re kind of in blue-collar working type jobs,” Osmon said of the Afghan pilots he trained who are now in the U.S. He added: “And even though this (flight) training could very well pay off to a much better job … if you’re trying to send money back home, you feel like it’s a frivolous act, to go pursue flying.”

After a full day of flushing fire hydrants for the water authority, Qara got in his 2004 Toyota Corolla, opened the DoorDash app on his cellphone and clicked “confirm pickup.” Minutes later he delivered McDonald’s carryout to a hungry customer. “Enjoy your food,” he said, giving a thumbs up as he returned quickly to his car to accept another delivery.

I kind of need to do this to survive to support my family, I don’t have another option,” Qara said about his second job.

He took a sip from a silver tumbler filled with coffee and put his car into drive.

“I used to drink tea back at my home, but I am getting used to it (coffee) like Americans,” he said.

Qara said he hopes to buy a house with at least two bedrooms for his family when they come. “This is one of my dream, hopefully I can buy a house someday,” he said.

Filled with American dreams and caffeine, Qara is ready for new opportunities.

 

With dreams, and caffeine, former Afghan pilot strives to bring family to US
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