Pakistan to Begin Second Phase of Afghan Refugee Expulsion Soon

He also stated that no one would be allowed to remain in Pakistan without a visa or legal documents.

Mohsin Naqvi, Pakistan’s Interior Minister, told the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Afghanistan that the second phase of expelling Afghan refugees from Pakistan will begin soon.

He also stated that no one would be allowed to remain in Pakistan without a visa or legal documents.

The Interior Minister emphasized the importance of the role of the UN and the international community in facilitating the return of Afghan refugees to their home country.

“Mo Mohsin Naqvi said Pakistan has been hosting Afghan refugees for decades. He said the phase wise repatriation of illegal foreigners has already begun. He added that no action is being taken against individuals holding legal documents and made it clear that no one can be allowed to stay in Pakistan without visa or other legal documents. He said the second phase of the repatriation of Afghan refugees will be started soon.” Reads part of the statement of Pakistan’s Interior Ministry.

“I don’t think Pakistan will do this unilaterally. In my opinion, and based on what we’ve been told, UNHCR, Pakistan, and the Afghan government will coordinate.” Said Tahir Khan, a Pakistani Journalist.

According to this statement, Indrika Ratwatte, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Afghanistan, said that the UN is closely working with the Afghan government for the return of Pakistan-based Afghans.

Meanwhile, Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper, citing its sources, reported that in the second phase of the expulsion of Afghan refugees from Pakistan, those who have the Afghan Citizen Cards (ACC) will also be deported.

“Our request is that a suitable living environment is created for Afghan refugees in Afghanistan before any discussion on this matter.” Said Ehsan Ahmadzai, an Afghan refugee in Pakistan.

“We urge the Pakistani government to act with responsibility and mutual understanding and not expel Afghan refugees from Pakistan.” Siad Ibrahim Danish, an Afghan refugee in Pakistan.

Meanwhile, Afghanistan in Islamabad has stated that it has not yet been officially informed about the start of the second phase of Afghan refugee expulsions.

Sardar Ahmad Shaqib, Chargé d’Affaires of the Embassy in Islamabad, said: “So far, we have not been officially informed by the Pakistani government regarding the expulsion of refugees. They have always stated that those living in Pakistan without legal documents will be expelled.”

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation of the Islamic Emirate recently announced that it has proposed a trilateral meeting with the UN and the Pakistani government in Islamabad to address the challenges faced by Afghan refugees.

Pakistan to Begin Second Phase of Afghan Refugee Expulsion Soon
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 Afghanistan goes back to war — against women

The Washington Post
The Taliban wants to create a society of gender apartheid.

When the Taliban took power in Afghanistan after the August 2021 U.S. withdrawal, the radical Islamist group prohibited education for all girls beyond sixth grade. The Taliban said it was just a “temporary” measure. But then the regime followed up with a procession of decrees and rules that robbed women of their rights to education, health care, a livelihood and liberty. The schools never reopened. It turns out that nothing about the Taliban’s abuse of women was temporary.

Many of these repressive measures have now been codified into a 114-page “Law on the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice.” Taliban leaders revealed the new law, with penalties, last week in the first formal declaration of vice and virtue laws in Afghanistan since the takeover. The Associated Press viewed the text and published the details.

The new law underscores that the Taliban wants to create a society of gender apartheid, in which the government silences women’s voices, robs them of their rights and makes them totally dependent on men. Afghanistan is experiencing the worst crisis of women’s rights in the world today.

After the chaotic U.S. departure from Kabul, some diplomats speculated that the Taliban would be forced to give up the harsh rule it imposed between 1996 and 2001 because it would need international recognition to avert a severe humanitarian crisis. A Taliban spokesman announced at a news conference in August 2021 that it would not have enemies, internal or external. But these soothing promises turned out to be nonsense. The Taliban of today is every bit as dehumanizing as the old.

According to the AP account of the new law, it mandates that women veil their bodies at all times in public and dictates that a face covering is essential to avoid temptations. Clothing should not be thin, tight or short. Women should veil themselves in front of all male strangers, including Muslims, and in front of all non-Muslims to avoid being corrupted. A woman’s voice is deemed intimate and so should not be heard singing, reciting or reading in public. It is forbidden for women to look at men they are not related to by blood or marriage, and vice versa. The law bans the playing of music, the transportation of solo female travelers and the mixing of men and women who are not related. The law also obliges passengers and drivers to perform prayers at designated times. Further, the law bans the publication of images of living beings, the AP reported, “threatening an already fragile Afghan media landscape.”

The Taliban is destroying the country it governs. The absence of women and girls from education and commerce — aside from being a gross violation of their human rights — will harm the nation’s already floundering economy. The Taliban is afflicted with a sick and costly mysoginism. In October 2022, it banned women from choosing agriculture, mining, civil engineering, veterinary medicine and journalism as university majors, saying these subjects were “too difficult” for women. In December 2022, it banned women from public and private universities altogether.

As Sahar Fetrat and Heather Barr of Human Rights Watch have pointed out, on the day before the Taliban took over, millions of Afghan girls were in school. “More than a quarter of the members of parliament were women. Women were government ministers and judges and professors and helicopter pilots. Women were singers and painters and conceptual artists and actors. There was a girls’ orchestra.” Now all of it is gone.

The international community must not look away. Whenever there are contacts with the Taliban, other nations should include women in the delegations and speak out constantly in defense of the rights of women in Afghanistan. Overseas aid from around the world should be sent specifically to help women and girls and to keep alive the underground schools that, we are told, have been struggling to fill some of the gap caused by the Taliban’s measures.

It would help keep hope alive among these women and girls to hear the United States speak out more about their plight; many were encouraged to claim their rightful place in society during the two decades of the American presence, but now they feel lost and forgotten.

At the same time, the Taliban cannot escape accountability for this unconscionable smothering of the ambitions and daily lives of half the population. The U.S. Magnitsky Act was created to target those who grossly violate human rights; why not aim its sanctions at more the leaders of Afghanistan, who have promulgated such draconian laws?

 Afghanistan goes back to war — against women
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‘Gender apartheid’ takes hold in Afghanistan 3 years after US withdrawal

BY SARAKSHI RAI 

The Hill

08/28/24

A new Taliban edict banning women in Afghanistan from baring their faces and speaking in public places is spotlighting the betrayal felt by Afghan women and their allies three years after America’s withdrawal from the country.

After seeing major progress in women’s rights during the U.S. war in Afghanistan, Afghan women now face restrictions on their movements without a male relative, and women have to cover their bodies and faces with a thick, heavy cloth while in public. Secondary school for girls is nonexistent, and more and more of their freedoms have eroded.

Parasto Hakim, who runs underground schools for girls, called what’s happening on the ground in Afghanistan “gender apartheid.” Women on the ground say the latest ban is rolling out unevenly, depending on the Taliban fighter or official they encounter.

But in the days since the new edict came into effect, billboards and banners have been going up throughout the South Asian country dictating how women should dress.

In posts on the social platform X, Hakim said the restrictions will likely expand, possibly even to primary schools. “Afghan women will once again face the worst gender apartheid under Taliban rule, as they did after 1996,” she added.

In the 1,095 days since the U.S. withdrew and the Taliban rapidly took power, Heather Barr, interim co-director of the Women’s Rights Division at Human Rights Watch, said women, girls and their families in Afghanistan are slowly giving up hope on the situation changing.

“[Over] time, they give up and they start thinking about who you should marry, and the support you have to try and study at home drifts away in terms of people supplying you with books, people supplying you with computers, internet, and stuff like that.”

Living in that environment, and the impact on their mental health, is the toughest toll Afghan women and girls face, according to Barr.

“You’re stressed and angry at first, but over time, you kind of subside into depression and hopelessness, which I think is what a lot of the women and girls that we talk to are now feeling,” Barr said.

It’s also getting harder for women under the Taliban regime to see any light at the end of the tunnel, she added.

“To sustain this belief that you’re going to win in the end. How can you? It’s very hard to kind of stay in that mindset when three years have passed.”

But women in the country are also mounting their own, quiet resistance to the new Taliban edicts — at times risking their safety to express their dissent.

Women are posting and sharing videos of themselves singing, despite the Taliban’s laws forcing them to stay silent in public.

“Afghan women are defying the Taliban’s ban on women speaking in public by singing out loud. Let’s stand with them and support their powerful voices,” Habib Khan, founder of Afghan Peace Watch, wrote on X.

In a statement to The Hill, Rina Amiri, the U.S. special envoy for Afghan women, girls, and human rights, said that the Taliban’s relentless, discriminatory edicts are unparalleled.

“Their institutionalized efforts targeting the women and girls of Afghanistan constitute gender persecution. These extreme policies are self-defeating and reinforce views that the Taliban are pursuing the same approach that made them a pariah in the 1990s,” Amiri said.

The special envoy added the U.S. will use “every tool at our disposal to support Afghan women and girls, including working with and mobilizing the international community to ensure we collectively make clear to the Taliban any progress in normalized relations will be contingent on ending these extreme policies and making significant improvements in the human rights situation in Afghanistan.”

In an interview with LBC, Hakim asked: “isn’t it time to ask the world leaders who handed Afghanistan over to the Taliban — what were you thinking?”

This sentiment is echoed by Women for Women International’s country director for Afghanistan, Payvand Seyedali, who told The Hill that “America, Canada, and the UK seem to have washed their hands — on the ground, we see very little impact from their engagement today.”

“What we saw on American TV during the evacuation was exactly how it felt on the ground — a mad, shocking, nonsensical withdrawal,” Seyedal said. “That chaos still has reverberations we feel today.”

She is also critical of United Nations Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo, who recently highlighted Afghan women’s concerns at the Doha III meeting in June this year but had Afghan women excluded from those talks with the Taliban.

According to Seyedali, protests from women’s rights groups led to a hurriedly planned two-hour event the day following Doha III, where select Afghan women were invited with little notice, and no time to consult with wider groups of women. Many did not attend, expressing feelings on media of being a tokenized afterthought.

Seyedali, who is based in Kabul, said the U.N. really “struggles to walk the walk.”

“They seem to be at a loss politically, and disconnected beyond humanitarian engagement. This stalemate comes at an incredibly high cost, draining donor investment with questionable return on investment — especially for women,” she added.

The Hill has reached out to the U.N. about the criticisms.

Roza Otunbayeva, head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan, said in a statement the new laws “extends the already intolerable restrictions on the rights of Afghan women and girls, with even the sound of a female voice outside the home apparently deemed a moral violation.”

The statement added that, “The international community has been seeking, in good faith, to constructively engage with the de facto authorities.”

Rights groups after the May meeting in Doha strongly criticized the controversial U.N. move to exclude the groups, including women’s rights activists, from the two-day meeting on Afghanistan as the toll for the Taliban government’s participation.

A statement issued by a group of U.S. policy advocates for Afghan women and girls said that despite these egregious violations of women’s rights, there has not been a coherent, coordinated and rights-based response to this crisis from the international community.

“The response has been piecemeal. It has lacked a commitment to upholding human rights and international law through concrete steps such as measures to hold the Taliban accountable for their abuses. Instead, the international community has engaged in a pattern of gradually accepting the Taliban’s violations of the rights of women and girls. This poses a dangerous trend toward the normalization of such abuses,” the statement added.

According to Lina Tori Jan, a policy officer at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, the U.S. can help fund women-led organizations both inside and outside the country to effectively engage with women in Afghanistan.

She added that there are a few steps that can be taken including delivering on the commitments made to the Afghan allies and well as including Afghan women in all policy dialogues in relation to the country.

In a statement to The Hill, a British embassy spokesperson said the U.K. continues to provide humanitarian support to the most vulnerable and press the Taliban on human rights.

“As part of UK diplomatic engagement, we regularly meet a range of Afghan women to ensure our policy and programming reflect their views. Afghan women must have a say in their country’s future governance,” the statement added.

However, Seyedali said that while they see those who visit from these governments try to speak up and push, “we see a common refrain of chargé d’affaires on the ground advising headquarters — but unable to move the needle.”

According to Barr, there is a kind of “deep rage” at the international community, particularly Western countries like the U.S. and U.K., that were involved in military operations from 2001 on.

“They feel like you created this situation,” Barr said of the sentiment of Afghan women toward Western governments. “You made the deal with the Taliban in Doha, which we were shut out of. You handed the country over to the Taliban. And now we’re the ones who have to live with it. And you don’t seem very interested in hearing about it anymore.”

‘Gender apartheid’ takes hold in Afghanistan 3 years after US withdrawal
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The Taliban publish vice laws that ban women’s voices and bare faces in public

Associated Press

ISLAMABAD (AP) — Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers have issued a ban on women’s voices and bare faces in public under new laws approved by the supreme leader in efforts to combat vice and promote virtue.

The laws were issued Wednesday after they were approved by supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, a government spokesman said. The Taliban had set up a ministry for the “propagation of virtue and the prevention of vice” after seizing power in 2021.

The ministry published its vice and virtue laws on Wednesday that cover aspects of everyday life like public transportation, music, shaving and celebrations.

They are set out in a 114-page, 35-article document seen by The Associated Press and are the first formal declaration of vice and virtue laws in Afghanistan since the takeover.

“Inshallah we assure you that this Islamic law will be of great help in the promotion of virtue and the elimination of vice,” said ministry spokesman Maulvi Abdul Ghafar Farooq on Thursday.

The laws empower the ministry to be at the frontline of regulating personal conduct, administering punishments like warnings or arrest if enforcers allege that Afghans have broken the laws.

Article 13 relates to women. It says it is mandatory for a woman to veil her body at all times in public and that a face covering is essential to avoid temptation and tempting others. Clothing should not be thin, tight or short.

Women should veil themselves in front of all male strangers, including Muslims, and in front of all non-Muslims to avoid being corrupted. A woman’s voice is deemed intimate and so should not be heard singing, reciting, or reading aloud in public. It is forbidden for women to look at men they are not related to by blood or marriage and vice versa.

Article 17 bans the publication of images of living beings, threatening an already fragile Afghan media landscape.

Article 19 bans the playing of music, the transportation of solo female travelers, and the mixing of men and women who are not related to each other. The law also obliges passengers and drivers to perform prayers at designated times.

According to the ministry website, the promotion of virtue includes prayer, aligning the character and behavior of Muslims with Islamic law, encouraging women to wear hijab, and inviting people to comply with the five pillars of Islam. It also says the elimination of vice involves prohibiting people from doing things forbidden by Islamic law.

Last month, a U.N. report said the ministry was contributing to a climate of fear and intimidation among Afghans through edicts and the methods used to enforce them.

It said the ministry’s role was expanding into other areas of public life, including media monitoring and eradicating drug addiction.

“Given the multiple issues outlined in the report, the position expressed by the de facto authorities that this oversight will be increasing and expanding gives cause for significant concern for all Afghans, especially women and girls,” said Fiona Frazer, the head of the human rights service at the U.N. mission in Afghanistan.

The Taliban rejected the U.N. report.

This story was first published on Aug. 22, 2024. It was updated on Aug. 23, 2024 to make clear that the Taliban vice and virtue laws say that women should veil themselves in front of all male strangers, including Muslims, and in front of all non-Muslims.

The Taliban publish vice laws that ban women’s voices and bare faces in public
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Why Afghans are being slowly poisoned by their evening meal

 

The Telegraph (UK)
Afghanistan has one of the world’s highest rates of lead exposure and a mounting body of evidence suggests cookware could be to blame

The process starts with lumps of scrap metal – mostly car parts like gearbox casings, radiators, wheels and body panels – stacked high in the yard outside the workshop.

Piece by piece they are melted down into ingots in a ramshackle furnace that spews thick, black smoke into the air over the factory in the province of Ghor in central Afghanistan.

The workers here have little more than scarves to protect themselves against the pollutants – many do not even have gloves to wear as they carry crucibles of molten metal across the to the waiting moulds.

Firooz Ahmad has worked at the factory for eight years and spends 10 hours a day at his workstation turning the cast aluminium hulls into the pressure cookers that almost every Afghan family uses to prepare their daily meals.

The 39-year-old has no idea that he is being slowly poisoned by the metal cooking pots, called kazans, that he makes every day.

“Is it dangerous?” he says when asked if he is worried about lead poisoning.

“I have headaches and persistent pains in my joints and sometimes it’s difficult to breathe – maybe I am poisoned!” he says, laughing.

He is not alone. Afghanistan has one of the world’s highest rates of lead exposure, with an average blood lead level nearly three times that of nearby India and almost five times that of China, according to the best available data.

A mounting body of evidence suggests that kazans and other cooking pots made of low-quality recycled aluminium could be to blame. The ubiquitous pots are often given as wedding gifts and can be found in every corner of the country.

In recent years, researchers have been trying to find out why they were seeing dramatically elevated blood lead levels among Afghan refugee children who had arrived in the United States.

In 2022, researchers in Washington state screened dozens of imported aluminium and stainless steel cooking pots and “simulated [the] cooking and storage” of food.

They found that every single piece of aluminium cookware donated by Afghan refugee families exceeded the US Food and Drug Administration’s limit for the maximum lead intake from food.

The worst offenders were the kazans – one of which “leached sufficient lead to exceed the childhood limit by 650-fold”.

By contrast, none of the pressure cookers made from stainless steel were found to exceed the safety levels.

Soon after the report was published, several US states put out health advisories warning of the dangers of the Afghan pressure cookers. And earlier this year Washington became the first US state to ban the manufacturing, sale or distribution of cooking pots contaminated with lead.

But news of the danger posed by the kazans does not appear to have reached Afghanistan.

The Telegraph understands that there was a furtive attempt to focus on cooking equipment contaminated with lead under the US-backed government of Hamid Karzai, but it petered out when he lost power in 2014.

Ten years on, none of the Taliban health ministry officials The Telegraph spoke to were familiar with the problem or of any plans to deal with it.

If it is not dealt with, however, the consequences for Afghanistan could be severe and long-lasting.

Lead poisoning contributes to some five-and-a-half million premature deaths around the world every year and accounts for a significant global disease burden due to the long-term damage it causes, including an increased risk of high blood pressure and kidney damage later in life.

There is no safe level of exposure, according to the World Health Organisation, and some 800 million children are believed to be affected globally, including almost every child in Afghanistan.

The pernicious effects the heavy metal can have on health are particularly acute for young children and mothers.

Lead builds up in the body over time and is stored in the teeth and in the bones.

High levels of exposure can severely damage the brain and central nervous system, causing convulsions, comas, and even death.

Even in smaller doses, lead can cause severe learning disabilities. It has also been linked to a greater incidence of violence and criminality in adulthood.

“The evidence is that lead poisoning just hurts kids’ cognitive development,” said Dr Alice Evans, a Senior Lecturer in the Social Science of Development at King’s College London.

“It’s not like you’ll have a sick day, so to speak, but rather it affects how the brain is developing, and the way that economists have been able to show this is that kids who are affected have worse progression in school,” she told The Telegraph. “They’re more likely to be suspended, and it seems they’re more likely to be associated with violent crime.”

The sudden decline of crime rates across the industrialised world, but particularly in America in the 1990s, has been attributed to the removal of lead from paint and petrol.

While some scientists are still sceptical of a causal link between lead and crime rates – the lead-crime hypothesis – the correlation between falling levels of lead in the blood of young children and violent crime is startling, as this graph shows:

There have been several other apparent success stories.

Most recently, researchers in Bangladesh managed to identify turmeric enhanced with vibrant yellow lead chromate as a major cause of the sky-high blood lead levels they were seeing.

The discovery prompted the country’s Food Safety Authority to start a highly successful two-pronged campaign, warning the public of the dangers of contaminated spices and patrolling the markets with X-ray fluorescence analysers to detect lead.

It may be harder to pin Afghanistan’s problem on a single culprit like the kazans, said Rachel Bonnifield, a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Global Development.

Countries that have suffered decades of conflict like Afghanistan also tend to have much higher levels of lead in the environment, she said, adding that Kohl, or surma – the traditional eyeliner worn by many Afghans from extremely young ages – has also been identified as a potential source.

The antimony it is usually made from is often mistaken for, and found alongside, galena, or lead sulfide.

More broadly, understanding the true extent of Afghanistan’s lead poisoning problem is complicated by the lack of data, she said. But what is clear is the severity of the impact it can have.

“The consequences of lead poisoning for global health, for children’s education and for overall development and economic growth are, frankly, staggering,” she told a recent conference.

The Telegraph confronted the owner of a kazan factory about the potential danger of his products.

Enayat, who owns a factory producing cooking pots in the western province of Herat, said he had heard of “rumours” about lead poisoning.

“These are just rumours,” he told The Telegraph. “We now have European customers, and our competitors are spreading these false rumours about poisoning.”

“I’ve been in this business for 20 years and have never encountered a case,” he said, adding that in his factory they only use “pure aluminium” to make their pots.

Convincing Afghans of the dangers of lead poisoning may too be an uphill battle.

Mr Ahmad, the craftsman from Ghor who gets paid about £4 a day, said he and his co-workers had only one priority.

“We only care about bread and how to fill our stomachs here, that’s the challenge and nothing else,” he said.

Why Afghans are being slowly poisoned by their evening meal
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Taliban vice and virtue laws provide ‘distressing vision’ for Afghanistan, UN envoy warns

By ASSOCIATED PRESS

ISLAMABAD — The Taliban’s new vice and virtue laws that include a ban on women’s voices and bare faces in public provide a “distressing vision” for Afghanistan’s future, a top U.N. official warned Sunday.

Roza Otunbayeva, who heads the U.N. mission in the country, said the laws extend the “ already intolerable restrictions ” on the rights of women and girls, with “even the sound of a female voice” outside the home apparently deemed a moral violation.

Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers last Wednesday issued the country’s first set of laws to prevent vice and promote virtue. They include a requirement for a woman to conceal her face, body and voice outside the home.

The laws empower the Vice and Virtue Ministry to be at the front line of regulating personal conduct and administering punishments like warnings or arrest if its enforcers allege that Afghans have broken the laws.

“After decades of war and in the midst of a terrible humanitarian crisis, the Afghan people deserve much better than being threatened or jailed if they happen to be late for prayers, glance at a member of the opposite sex who is not a family member, or possess a photo of a loved one,” Otunbayeva said.

The mission said it was studying the newly ratified law and its implications for Afghans, as well as its potential impact on the U.N. and other humanitarian assistance.

Taliban officials were not immediately available for comment.

In remarks broadcast Sunday by state-controlled broadcaster RTA, Vice and Virtue Minister Mohammad Khaled Hanafi said nobody had the right to violate women’s rights based on inappropriate customs.

“We are committed to assure all rights of women based on Islamic law and anyone who has a complaint in this regard will be heard and resolved,” he added.

Taliban supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada said last year that Afghan women are provided with a “comfortable and prosperous” life, in spite of decrees barring them from many public spaces, education and most jobs.

The U.N. has previously said that official recognition of the Taliban as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan is nearly impossible while restrictions on women and girls remain.

Although no country recognises the Taliban, many in the region have ties with them.

Last Wednesday, the United Arab Emirates accepted the credentials of the Taliban’s ambassador to the oil-rich Gulf Arab state.

A UAE official said the decision reaffirmed the government’s determination to contribute to building bridges to help Afghans. “This includes the provision of humanitarian assistance through development and reconstruction projects, and supporting efforts that work towards regional de-escalation and stability.”

Otunbayeva is scheduled to report to the U.N. Security Council on the situation in Afghanistan on Sept. 18, three years after the Taliban stopped girls’ education beyond sixth grade.

Taliban vice and virtue laws provide ‘distressing vision’ for Afghanistan, UN envoy warns
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Nadim: Conditions for Reopening Schools for Girls ‘Not Yet Met’

Ziaullah Hashimi also mentioned the recruitment of eleven foreign instructors for the Afghanistan International Islamic University.

Neda Mohammad Nadim, the acting Minister of Higher Education, said that the conditions for reopening schools and universities for girls in the country have not yet been met.

During a program outlining the one-year achievements of this ministry, Nadim added that some individuals make unjustified remarks regarding girls’ education and emphasized that the demands of the people cannot be met by violating Islamic law.

The acting Minister of Higher Education said: “The research by scholars is ongoing. If scholars conclude in their research that educating females in this manner is permissible, it is believed that permission will then be granted.”

Neda Mohammad Nadim also mentioned that the ministry’s staff has increased by five thousand compared to the past, and he emphasized that no one will be allowed to obtain fraudulent educational documents.

Regarding this, Nadim said: “From now on, we will not allow anyone in Afghanistan to present us with imaginary students in society and to unjustly grant diplomas.”

Other officials from this ministry also mentioned that over one hundred and thirty curricula have been finalized by them and sent to the leader of the Islamic Emirate for approval.

The Directorate of Publications and Public Communications of the Ministry of Higher Education said that in the past year, in addition to various educational sectors, they have also engaged in healthcare service delivery activities.

Sardar Wali Salehi, the Director of Scientific Program Development of the Ministry of Higher Education, said: “In total, 131 curricula have been finalized based on religious, national, and international standards and have been sent to the Islamic Emirate’s higher authorities for approval.”

Meanwhile, Ziaullah Hashimi, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Higher Education, said that eleven doctoral programs, twenty-six master’s programs, thirteen new faculties at the bachelor’s level, and eighty-six new departments have been established in various educational institutions.

Ziaullah Hashimi also mentioned the recruitment of eleven foreign instructors for the Afghanistan International Islamic University.

Regarding this, Hashimi said: “With the aim of providing specialized and professional training to the country’s young generation, eleven professors from Egypt, Turkey, Iran, and other Islamic countries have been recruited to the Afghanistan International Islamic University.”

The Ministry of Higher Education reported that over 557 million afghani have been collected as revenue from the distribution of diplomas and transcripts, and currently, around one hundred and ninety thousand students are studying in the Emirate’s educational institutions.

Nadim: Conditions for Reopening Schools for Girls ‘Not Yet Met’
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Taliban reject UN concerns over laws banning women’s voices and bare faces in public

By Associated Press
The Taliban is rejecting concerns and criticism raised by the United Nations over new vice and virtue laws that include a ban on women’s voices and bare faces in public.

ISLAMABAD — The Taliban on Monday rejected concerns and criticism raised by the United Nations over new vice and virtue laws that ban women in Afghanistan from baring their faces and speaking in public places.

Roza Otunbayeva , who heads the U.N. mission in the country, UNAMA, said Sunday that the laws provided a “distressing vision” for Afghanistan’s future. She said the laws extend the “ already intolerable restrictions ” on the rights of women and girls, with “even the sound of a female voice” outside the home apparently deemed a moral violation.

Zabihullah Mujahid, the main spokesman for the Taliban’s government, issued a statement warning against “arrogance” from those who he said may not be familiar with Islamic law, particularly non-Muslims who might express reservations or objections.

“We urge a thorough understanding of these laws and a respectful acknowledgment of Islamic values. To reject these laws without such understanding is, in our view, an expression of arrogance,” he said.

Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers on Wednesday issued the country’s first set of laws to discourage vice and promote virtue. They include a requirement for a woman to conceal her face, body and voice outside the home. They also ban images of living beings, such as photographs.

“After decades of war and in the midst of a terrible humanitarian crisis, the Afghan people deserve much better than being threatened or jailed if they happen to be late for prayers, glance at a member of the opposite sex who is not a family member, or possess a photo of a loved one,” Otunbayeva said.

In response to the UNAMA statement, Mujahid added, “We must stress that the concerns raised by various parties will not sway the Islamic Emirate from its commitment to upholding and enforcing Islamic law.”

In rare public criticism of Afghanistan’s rulers, the Japanese Embassy in Kabul expressed its deep concern about the continuing restrictions on women and girls as announced in the laws.

The embassy said Monday on the social platform X that it would keep urging authorities to “listen to the voice of Afghan women and girls for education, employment, and freedom of movement” for the future of the country.

Taliban reject UN concerns over laws banning women’s voices and bare faces in public
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‘Frightening’ Taliban law bans women from speaking in public

 and  for Rukhshana Media

New Taliban laws that prohibit women from speaking or showing their faces outside their homes have been condemned by the UN and met with horror by human rights groups.

The Taliban published a host of new “vice and virtue” laws last week, approved by their supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, which state that women must completely veil their bodies – including their faces – in thick clothing at all times in public to avoid leading men into temptation and vice.

Women’s voices are also deemed to be potential instruments of vice and so will not be allowed to be heard in public under the new restrictions. Women must also not be heard singing or reading aloud, even from inside their houses.

“Whenever an adult woman leaves her home out of necessity, she is obliged to conceal her voice, face, and body,” the new laws state.

Men will also be required to cover their bodies from their navels to their knees when they are outside their homes.

From now on, Afghan women are also not allowed to look directly at men they are not related to by blood or marriage, and taxi drivers will be punished if they agree to drive a woman who is without a suitable male escort.

Women or girls who fail to comply can be detained and punished in a manner deemed appropriate by Taliban officials charged with upholding the new laws.

The restrictions have been condemned by Roza Otunbayeva, the special UN’s representative for Afghanistan, who has said they extend the “intolerable restrictions” on the rights of women and girls already imposed by the Taliban since they took power in August 2021.

Speaking to Rukhshana Media, Mir Abdul Wahid Sadat, the president of the Afghan Lawyers Association, said that the new laws contradicted Afghanistan’s domestic and international legal obligations.

“From a legal standpoint this document faces serious issues,” he said. “It contradicts the fundamental principles of Islam [where] the promotion of virtue has never been defined through force, coercion, or tyranny.

“This document not only violates Afghanistan’s domestic laws but also broadly contravenes all 30 articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.”

“The Taliban government does not have any sort of legitimacy and these new edicts designed to further erase and suppress woman are an indication of their hatred towards women,” says Fawzia Koofi, an Afghan human rights activist who was the first woman vice-president of the Afghan parliament.

“When they say women cannot speak in public as they regard women’s voices as a form of intimacy it is incredibly frightening yet the whole world acts like this is normal. There have been very few reactions of comments to what is happening and the Taliban are emboldened by this indifference. It is not only women but all human beings they are targeting. They must be held accountable.”

A woman in a burqa
Hundreds of cases of femicide recorded in Afghanistan since Taliban takeover are ‘tip of the iceberg

Shukria Barakzai, a former Afghan parliamentarian who was Afghanistan’s ambassador to Norway, agreed the international community’s silence on the Taliban’s oppression of Afghanistan’s 14 million women and girls had played its part in the criminalisation of women’s bodies and voices.

“It is concerning that international organisations, particularly the United Nations and the European Union, instead of standing against these inhumane practices, are trying to normalise relations with the Taliban,” she said. “They are, in a way, whitewashing this group, disregarding the fact that the Taliban are committing widespread human rights violations.”

In the three years since seizing power from the US-backed government, the Taliban have imposed what human rights groups are calling a “gender apartheid”, excluding women and girls from almost every aspect of public life and denying them access to the justice system.

Prior to the new “vice and virtue” laws, women and girls were already blocked from attending secondary school; banned from almost every form of paid employment; prevented from walking in public parks, attending gyms or beauty salons; and told to comply with a strict dress code.

Earlier this year, the Taliban also announced the reintroduction of the public flogging and stoning of women for adultery.

The Taliban have been approached for comment.

‘Frightening’ Taliban law bans women from speaking in public
read more

Treating Drug Users in Afghanistan: How to respond to a massive problem? 

Afghanistan was, until recently, famously, the largest cultivator of illegal opiates in the world. Less well-known is that it is among the countries with the highest prevalence rates of drug use. In April 2022, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) banned poppy cultivation and subsequently, in January 2023, its supreme leader issued an order saying that prevention of drug use was the duty of the Islamic system and that “governors of all provinces should take necessary action” to prevent people for this harm. Most recently, on 1 July 2024, the IEA formed a counter-narcotics commission that will deal, among other issues, with the treatment of drug users. AAN’s Rohullah Sorush and Jelena Bjelica consider the massive scale of Afghanistan’s drug use problem, Emirate policies and the impact of the typically rough approach to drug rehabilitation treatments offered by the state.

I was a kid when our family went to Iran. … I left school and started working in a publishing factory. There were people who used opium in that factory. I wanted to do my job properly and not get tired easily, so I also started using opium. I really enjoyed it. It helped relieve my fatigue. 

I was still using opium after I left the factory. I enjoyed it, but the pleasure was temporary. … I used drugs for almost 14 years. I started with opium and then moved on to other drugs, such as heroin and crystal meth. Crystal changed my appearance. My teeth rotted. … When I came back to Afghanistan, I could only find opium and heroin easily. I didn’t use crystal after I returned from Iran.

Every person with a drug problem has their own story of how it all began. This man, 45-year-old Reza from Balkh, is a former drug user of 14 years who like many Afghans started using opium when he was living in Iran.[1] Opium, contrary to the movie-created myths about its effects, is often used in Iran and Afghanistan by manual labourers to get some relief from the pain of sore muscles and to suppress their appetite because it slows down the digestive system. Other explanations given by our interviewees of why they started using drugs included how it helped ease physical pain, numb trauma or because others were using them.

Afghanistan has a massive problem with drug use. The last Afghanistan National Drug Use Survey, commissioned by the Colombo Plan in 2015, estimated that the country could have had between 2.9 and 3.6 million drug users, which would translate into about a tenth of the population using drugs. 31 per cent of the households whose members were tested were found to have at least one person who was using drugs.[2] The rate of drug use was estimated to be higher in men than women (16  per cent of those tested, compared to 9.5 per cent, with children testing at a comparable rate to women) and three times higher in rural than urban areas (13 per cent compared to 5 per cent), with rural households also testing higher (39 per cent compared to 11 per cent).

The most prevalent drugs, the survey found, were opioids (including heroin, opium and prescription drugs like codeine) – 19 per cent of those tested,[3] followed by cannabis – 11 per cent and two classes of pharmaceutical drugs that are generally prescribed for anxiety and insomnia – benzodiazepines, such as Valium – 5.1 per cent and barbiturates, such as phenobarbital – 1.1 per cent. Since then, methamphetamine, often referred to as crystal meth or in Afghanistan shisha, has emerged as a new drug with widespread use (see AAN reporting from 2015 here), alongside what Afghans refer to as ‘tablet K’, a cocktail of methamphetamine, opium and MDMA/Ecstasy.[4]

Since returning to power, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) has moved to address various narcotics-related issues. In April 2022, Supreme Leader Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada banned the cultivation of opium and the production of opiates and other drugs and on 25 January 2023 issued a new order with a policy aimed at drug users:[5]

Because using drugs can slowly affect a person’s life, the Islamic system has a duty to prevent its people from using every kind of drug. Governors of all provinces should take necessary action to prevent people in their province from using drugs. Centres and treatment facilities should be established for those already addicted, which must urgently fulfil whatever is necessary for their treatment.[6]

Following the third UN-convened meeting of special envoys on Afghanistan, held from 30 June to 1 July in Doha (see this AAN dossier on previous meetings), the office of the acting Deputy Prime Minister for Political Affairs Mawlawi Abdul Kabir announced the formation of a high commission dedicated to combating intoxicants and narcotics. The purpose of establishing the commission, he said, was to combat intoxicants and narcotics, find alternative crops for farmers and set up treatment for drug users, Afghanistan International reported.

A new drug user survey is underway that will provide more detail about the current usage of drugs in Afghanistan.[7] However, the scale of the problem is not in question,[8] nor is the certainty that there is a need to act and as the 2015 Afghanistan National Drug Use Survey concluded:

Drug use is a treatable chronic illness that can be controlled with appropriate treatment and follow-up programs. Funding for treatment, aftercare, and frequent testing is a long-term investment in Afghanistan that will have very positive social and economic outcomes.

Yet, moving from recognising the need for action to taking action is not so easy, both in terms of available resources and the methods used.

The availability of drug treatment centres 

The first thing to stress is that the number of treatment facilities for drug users, particularly centres outside the public sector, has fallen drastically since the collapse of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in August 2021, as donor money dried up. That being said, how many drug treatment centres were actually operational before August 2021 is unclear, although there are a few pointers. The United States Department of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) reported that by 2020, it had established a network of 103 drug treatment centres providing residential, outpatient and home-based treatment services in partnership with the Colombo Plan Drug Advisory Programme (CPDAP). Several dozen drug treatment centres of various types (residential and non-residential) were also established by organisations partnering with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), with others such as Médecins du Monde (MDM) also running some of their own. Over the years, a number of these centres were handed over to the Afghan government. The Ministry of Public Health (MoPH), for example, reported that it ran 50 treatment centres in 2019.

Even during the Republic, the infrastructure for treating drug users was considered insufficient, given the number of people using drugs.[9] There was also concern about the lack of trained staff in government-run centres. This was documented in a 2019 Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction(SIGAR) report on the US government-funded drug demand reduction programmes that found that projects implemented between 2013 and 2018 had helped only three to five per cent of Afghan drug users.[10] Many centres that had been transferred to the Afghan government lost their trained staff because the MoPH did not keep its commitment to INL and had fired between 10 and 15 per cent of NGO staff working at the facilities. In some instances, SIGAR said, government officials had also forced trained staff to resign.

Afghan governments, both Republic and Emirate, have favoured large treatment centres that can admit thousands of patients, compared to donor-funded centres that cater for a maximum of 300. A case in point, as soon as the drug treatment decree was published in January 2023, was the opening of a 5,000-bed centre in Kabul (see a ToloNews report on the announcement here). Previously, the Ashraf Ghani government had opened a 1,000-bed centre on the grounds of the former military camp Phoenix in Kabul in late 2015 (see a ToloNews report from 2015 here).

Following the IEA takeover in August 2021, opportunities for treatment in smaller facilities shrank further. Many centres ceased to exist, especially those that had been supported by the US government, which froze its financial support to Kabul.

In May 2022, the Ministry of Public Health said that 44 out of 88 rehabilitation centres (not specified if all, or just government) were still active (see ToloNews report here). The most recent survey of the country’s existing drug treatment infrastructure, part of a national survey of drug use by UNDP and UNODC (see footnote 7) identified 113 centres, including three private hospitals, across 34 provinces. However, AAN was told by a source close to an ongoing survey that the data suggested that not all of them were still operational. In December 2023, The Lancet reported that only 10 per cent of treatment centres were still active:

According to email communication with Dr Abdul Qudos Saadat (Afghanistan Ministry of Public Health, personal communication) on Aug 16, 2023, following the Taliban takeover of the government and due to the reduction in international and public funds, only 10% of the drug treatment centres remained functional with international support, 44% were closed, and the remainder were running with a limited budget. Furthermore, as of Aug 15, 2023, the number of needle and syringe programmes had fallen to eight and the number of opioid substitution treatment sites had fallen to six.

A doctor from Kabul, who wished to remain anonymous, confirmed to AAN that most of the centres, especially outside the public sector, had indeed been closed:

In Kabul, most rehabilitation centres were in rented houses and after the political developments, the new government could not pay the rent, so they were shut down. For the moment, only the government-run centres are functioning and treating people with an addiction. Now, there are 59 treatment centres active all over the country. There are also huge camps in Kabul, Kandahar and Herat. The Deputy Ministry of Interior for Counter-Narcotics established these camps, but the Directorate of Narcotics of the Ministry of Public Health (MoPH) provides the services for them.

An MoPH official quoted in The Lancet article, Dr Saadat, was also quoted as saying the situation for drug users in the government camps was not good as there were no doctors and shortages of other professional staff, medicine and facilities (see also this report from Hasht-e Subh here).

AAN contacted several doctors working in the provinces to get a snapshot of the situation there. Dr Khalil Nurzai from Nimruz described the woeful under-resourcing of an 80-bed hospital for male drug users and a 20-bed hospital for women in his province:

There are no doctors in the 80-bed hospital. When there are no doctors, how can you provide treatment? How do you meet the patient’s health needs? It is even worse in the 20-bed hospital for women. There are no doctors or nurses. There is only a cook and a guard.

In Kandahar, the chief physician at the hospital for the treatment of male drug users, Dr Abdul Salaam Bashir, told AAN that there was no longer an active women’s treatment centre because the staff, including the doctors, had left the country after the fall of the Republic. However, he said that, since the re-establishment of the IEA, the capacity of the male treatment centre had increased from 70 to 100 beds.

The treatment is the same as under the previous government. Drug addicts have been rounded up, which is a good step, and I see that their number [on the streets] has decreased. There is not much relapse either because they don’t have easy access to drugs. 

He added that, to his knowledge, the IEA does plan to reopen the women’s centre, although it is not clear when.

A female medical employee in a women’s drug treatment centre in Bamyan told AAN there was insufficient capacity to treat the many drug users in the province.

There are two drug treatment centres, a 20-bed centre for men and another for women. I believe this is not enough for the number of drug users in Bamiyan. Although the IEA occasionally rounds up drug users and brings them to the treatment centre, many can still be seen in more remote of the city.

The director of a private treatment centre in Balkh, Muhammad Asif Anwari, said that MoPH’s 100-bed hospital for drug users in Balkh was still operational, but many private centres in the province had closed.

Treatment for drug users

One of the key aspects of IEA drug treatment policy is the use of force. The Ministry of Interior, for example, was quotedin February 2023 saying that more than 80,000 drug users had been “collected from across the country after the Islamic Emirate swept into power.” Although it is not clear exactly what “collected” meant, reporting from those months, such as this VOA video from April 2022, featured footage of raids and round-ups of drug users (VOA reported from Paktia and Daikundi provinces). In February 2023, ToloNews reported that 17,000 drug users had been ‘collected’ in the past month, including 60 women, some of them found under the flyover in Pul-e Sukhta in Police District 6 in west Kabul (see AAN’s previous report for background on this location). Officials in neighbouring Police District 5 said they had found 60 corpses during those operations.

By December 2023, according to the chief of staff for the Deputy Minister for Counter-Narcotics, Hasibullah Ahmadi, nearly 100,000 drug users had been rounded up across Afghanistan and taken to rehabilitation centres since the Emirate regained power (see this ToloNews report).[11] Once taken to a centre, drug users are subjected to zor darmani (referring to what, in English, is called ‘involuntary treatment’),[12] ie drug users are detained like criminals and forced to stop taking drugs in what is colloquially known as ‘cold turkey’. It is a method, says the UNODC, that is seldom effective and goes against basic human rights and freedoms. It often involves cold baths, staying in prison-like conditions, no painkillers and restriction of movement, including binding patients to beds. The first Emirate took the same approach, as described in detail by David Macdonald in his book, ‘Drugs in Afghanistan: Opium, Outlaws and Scorpion Tales’. The Republic’s drug treatment regime was subject to more external scrutiny than the IEA, but in the large treatment centres during that era, patients were often also subject to ‘cold turkey’ roughness.[13]

The private practitioner in Balkh, Dr Muhammad Asif Anwari, praised the Emirate for rounding up drug users, even though he did not think it a solution in itself:

I really admire the IEA for rounding up drug users from the streets and other places. It’s a positive step and a preventative measure. I believe this stops more people getting accustomed to drugs. This is something the previous government failed to do. In fact, in the last years of the Republic, drug users were everywhere, even in the space between two roads. It was really awful and had a bad effect on people, including schoolchildren, passing through those areas. Now, we don’t see drug users in public areas or under bridges. However, this doesn’t mean their number’s gone down or that many have been provided with treatment. I know people who use drugs in their homes and [other] places where the government can’t see them and in sarais [shopping malls or commercial premises]. At least in the northern provinces, such as Balkh, Baghlan, Samangan, Sar-e Pul and Jawzjan, I’m aware that there are drug users who are too afraid of the IEA to come to public places in the way they did before.

One lesson from the Republic, he said, was that private treatment centres are more successful than government ones because of their use of psycho-social counselling:

Authorities at that time [the Republic] were admitting that only three to five per cent of those treated [at government centres] did not ever relapse. However, about 20 per cent of those who received treatment in private clinics didn’t relapse. The treatment process in private centres was different. They only gave medicine to drug users for a few days, but then mostly talked to them to convince them to quit using drugs. Drug users received a lot of counselling and attended meetings with other drug users who had already quit.

Another doctor from a private clinic, Dr Farhad Shafaq in Ghazni city, also questioned what happened to drug users after they were rounded up. He said many had been taken away from under a bridge in the city and then to a camp:

They kept them there for treatment for five or six months. But when they were allowed to leave the camp, they relapsed. I believe it is because access to drugs is easy. They’re available everywhere. There are many [users] under the Pul-e Maida bridge [again]. Although opium cultivation has decreased, industrial drugs, such as methamphetamine, are available on the market.

To try and understand better the experiences of drug users, we spoke to a number of current and former users about their experiences. Some had received treatment in private or public centres recently or in the past. Those interviewees who had been successfully treated for drug addiction underlined the importance of small, community-based centres with a people-centred approach. Three of our interviewees said they had relapsed multiple times, including after going through rough and often inhuman treatment in government-run treatment centres.

In the words of drug users

One of the interviewees who struggled with relapses over the years, but was eventually successfully treated in 2017 is Reza from Balkh, whose words began this report. He ascribed his success partly to the support of family and friends, especially his wife and mother, but largely to the efforts of a small NGO, Aramesh:

I didn’t believe I could be treated. … My mother and wife persuaded me to go. They even cried and said, “Please, for God’s sake, go and see yourself. Many people have received treatment and you might too. Think about yourself and about us. You can’t live this way anymore and you have brought us trouble.” I couldn’t bear to see my mother and wife crying. They hadn’t done before. I think they had really lost their patience. So, I went to the private treatment centre, Aramesh. When I went there, I found it was really different from the treatment centres in Iran. 

They had the same method as the centre for motadan-e gomnam [Narcotics Anonymous]. They held many meetings with drug users and gave them books to read – if they could [read]. Many drug users who’ve been successful in quitting [still] attend these meetings. I myself attended many meetings. They got me to understand that I was sick. They got me to believe that I was the only person who could decide and that I could help myself and my family and quit using drugs. … I’ve been clean for around seven years now.

35-year-old Muhammad who lives in Sar-e Pul province was also helped by Aramesh, in 2017 and has not used drugs since. He was born in Iran, but after he returned to Afghanistan in 2004, he started using opium.

I got a job as a teacher. I worked there for two years and became friends with a few people who were using opium. I thought I could use it too, so I began using it and enjoyed it. I was not using much at the beginning – once in two or three months. Then, I fell in love with a girl in the area. I sent my family to her home to ask her parents to let me marry their daughter. They agreed. I was happy. I got married, but my wife and the rest of the family didn’t know I was using opium. 

Soon, he said, he began using opium more regularly. He got fired after the school principal discovered he was a drug user. He found another job at an office but left it after six months. In 2016, his family found out about his drug use and sent him to a government-run centre, but he relapsed. He eventually found Aramesh through a friend who had used to take drugs:

He gave my brother the centre’s card and told him to take me there. He told my brother it was the only centre that could help me. I went there with my wife and stayed for 72 days. My life, my mind and my thoughts changed while I was there. They helped me understand I was sick and that I could get better if I could muster the will to quit. I attended many meetings. I’ve been clean for around seven and a half years now. I have a job and I have my family. I kept my wife from leaving me and I have a happy life.

Another positive account, again via a Narcotics Anonymous programme, was given by 38-year-old Khalid from Mazar-e Sharif. He had been a user of various drugs for 12 years, he said, but had now been clean for five years and six months.

When I was very young, I was looking for fleeting pleasures and that is why I started using opium. Gradually, I began to use heroin and then crystal meth. I used drugs for 12 years. I lost everything. I lost my job. I tried several times to quit, but every time I could remain clean for a week or two and then I began using drugs again. Finally, I got to know about Narcotics Anonymous, where I went for detoxification and attended several meetings helping people withdraw from drugs. I’m still in touch with them and still attend meetings, after finding out that they hold them outside the centre as well. I began to read books with other attendees. They helped me overcome my addiction.

Karim, a high school graduate living in Kabul, said he had used drugs for seven years. He used to spend most of his time in Shahr-e Naw Park but described how lucky he was that his family had allowed him to come home at night. He managed to stop using drugs, he said, after a good friend encouraged him to seek help in a treatment centre:

I went to the treatment centre in Jangalak [a neighbourhood in east Kabul] in 2022 and I was there for 45 days. My friend was working there. Quitting drugs is really difficult, but if you’re determined, you can do it. I thank God, and then my friend, who helped me stop using drugs. I have been clean for a year and a few months. … 

The situation in Janglak treatment centre is not that proper. I mean it’s not as good as it should be. They don’t provide services for drug users. When I had the desire to use drugs [waqt-e ke khumar meshodam], they got me to take a cold bath. Sometimes, they gave me pills to get rid of the pain. I am happy now to have received treatment and recovered.

Dost Muhammed from Mazar-e Sharif was a drug user for 15 years. He relapsed several times and lost his reputation and wealth during those years. Seven months ago, the IEA counter-narcotics department came to his shop:

They took me to a camp by force. I was in the camp for three months. The situation in the camp was terrible because there were many drug users in one hall. There were beatings and cold-water baths. They didn’t give us enough food and there was no medicine.

He said he thought to himself that in order to get out of his situation and regain his family’s trust, he had to quit using drugs. He was helped, he said, after leaving the camp by Narcotics Anonymous. “Fortunately, I managed to succeed,” he said. “I’m clean. I have my shop and can work. My family and the society trust me.”

Another drug user from Kabul, Sharif Wahidi, told AAN about how both he and his brother had been using cannabis for several decades, but scarcity of cannabis under the Emirate, which had driven the price up, had made it unaffordable and they had stopped or substantially reduced their use of it.

I’ve been using cannabis for more than 20 years. … I used to smoke cannabis three or four times a day as it was cheap and easily available. Now, the Emirate is really serious in dealing with drug users. Cannabis is still available, but it’s too expensive. A small amount of cannabis costs 3,500 afghanis [USD 49], so I can’t smoke often. I can use it only once every night, but a very small amount. I’m trying to quit it forever and hope I can make it. 

Sharif said his brother had quit smoking cannabis after 40 years of using it.

He has become very depressed and prefers to be alone. He stays far from his family in his small garden. I think the reason my brother got depressed is the fact that he quit using drugs all at once. He should have stopped gradually. I don’t want to face the same problem, so I will stop slowly. 

One of our interviewees was still struggling with drugs. 28-year-old Turab Jaffari said he had been taking drugs for more than 10 years. The police took him by force to a treatment centre in April 2022,[14] but once he got out, he said, he relapsed:

I was under a bridge in Ghazni city when the Taleban police arrested me and forced me to go to a camp. I didn’t want to stop using drugs. I was there for two months. There were a lot of problems: too many drug users and no doctor. They provided us with little food and forced us to take cold showers. I didn’t have access to drugs there. After two months, they let me leave. Once I got out, I returned to the same area, under the bridge and resumed using drugs. I have nowhere to go. My parents and sisters are in Iran. A brother of mine is living here in Ghazni, but he doesn’t allow me to stay in his home. 

He says that he cannot quit without help from family and friends:

I have no job and no one to support me, so I can’t quit drugs. I have been using drugs for more than ten years. Now I go to different places so the Taleban won’t arrest me again. I go under the bridge with some other users, and when one of us notices the Taleban coming, we escape and go to another area. 

Sharif, the cannabis smoker in Kabul, also reported that there, much of the problem had gone out of the public sight. He used to see drug users in his neighbourhood, he said, but the government had rounded them up and there were no longer many on the street. However, he said, it cannot control what people do at home.

There are many others who use drugs in their homes where the government doesn’t have control. Many young boys aged 15 to 16 use cannabis and cheap tablets such as zeegap or pregabalin [a medical drug used to treat anxiety, epilepsy, nerve pain and help support opioid withdrawal]. There are others who use tablet K, but it’s also expensive, so young boys can’t afford it. They buy pregabalin instead.

To sum it up

There are many reasons why drug use has become such a major problem in Afghanistan: traditional use of opium as pain relief medication; increasing contact with opiates (eg as cultivation, processing and trafficking all grew in volume); lack of public awareness of the harms done by drugs; and the need to treat trauma and mental health problems caused by forty years of wars and uncertainty.

War, over the 40 years, proved fertile ground for an illicit opium industry to flourish. During the Republic, the insurgency and counterinsurgency led to instability and corruption facilitated the expansion of drug cultivation and trade. The large-scale poppy fields no may longer exist, but stocks of opium paste are not yet run down. Even if opium and its derivatives become less easily available, as is evident from our interviews, drug users will switch, if their preferred drug is not available and demand from the enormous number of existing drug users will also continue to drive supplies. This is a big market and a business opportunity that some will not miss.

Given the diminished production of opiates in Afghanistan, we might witness an increase in synthetic drugs, like meth and tablet K. When it comes to meth, the IEA has made noticeable efforts to curb large-scale meth production (see this 2023 Alcis analysis), but small-scale meth production facilities are not so easy to detect. We might also see an increase in the use of prescription drugs, such as Valium, barbiturates and phenobarbital, as long as the sale of drugs over the counter remains unregulated and control is lax.

As to trying to reduce demand for drugs, neither the Emirate nor the Republic have had much success in dealing with Afghanistan’s massive drug use problem, as is evident from our report. Both administrations have favoured large treatment centres at the expense of the network of NGO-led and donor-supported community treatment centres, which have been largely unsupported and unappreciated by the government. Despite a multitude of evidence from the last 20 years that small treatment centres and the support of family and friends are crucial for users successfully coming off drugs, it seems that all Afghan governments think that the mass treatment facilities are a ‘silver bullet’ for the problem. All our interviews show that dedicated, gentle and personalised care has long-term positive effects, while rough and depersonalised treatment tends to lead to relapse.

Edited by Roxanna Shapour and Kate Clark

References

References
↑1 The 2009 UNODC Drug Use Survey, based on interviews with 2,614 male Afghan drug users, found that 40 per cent of men in the sample began using opium when they were  in Iran.
↑2 See page 7 of the Afghanistan National Drug Use Survey for the methodology used.
↑3 The test survey suggested opium to be the most commonly opioid used, but, for example, among urban women, the most common drug used was the opioid codeine, a product sold as a pharmaceutical to treat pain in combination with other medications such as paracetamol. Cough syrup may also include it.
↑4 The name, tablet K derives from the Russian word for this pill, tabletka.
↑5 On 5 April 2022, the Amir issued a decree (#31) that: 

[C]ultivating opium poppy in Afghanistan is completely forbidden. From this time onwards, no one should cultivate poppies on their land. Anyone who plants them, their crops will be destroyed and they themselves will face Sharia procedures.

Likewise, using, transporting, selling, trading, importing and exporting of all types of drugs, such as alcohol, heroin, shisha [methamphetamine], tablet K [a ‘dirty cocktail of methamphetamine, opium and MDMA, aka ecstasy], hashish and all other types of drugs, as well as drug-producing plants, is forbidden.

A translation of the order can be read in the AAN publication, ‘Decrees, Orders and Instructions of His Excellency, Amir Al-Mu’minin, as published in the Official Gazette on 22 May 2023 (31), p41.

The IEA enforced the ban on cultivating opium from autumn 2022 onwards. It has still to stop trade in opium paste and other opiates, according to the UNODC and David Mansfield and Alcis. See AAN’s 15 November 2023 report, ‘Prosperity or Penury: The political and economic fallout of the opium ban in Afghanistan’.

↑6 A translation of the order can be read in the AAN publication, ‘Decrees, Orders and Instructions of His Excellency, Amir Al-Mu’minin, as published in the Official Gazette on 22 May 2023’, (#2234), p87.
↑7 The new national survey on drug use in Afghanistan is a joint effort by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and commenced in June 2022.
↑8 There have been some figures reported in the last few years: they point to higher figures since 2015.  Afghanistan’s problems with drug use may have worsened since the last survey was conducted. In February 2023, ToloNews, without providing a source, reported the number of drug users to be estimated as between three and five million. In March 2022, acting deputy Prime Minister Mullah Abdul Salaam Hanafi, in a meeting with a delegation from the International Rescue Committee (IRC), said one million women and children were using drugs nationwide.
↑9 The then Executive Director of UNODC, Antonio Maria Costa, wrote in the preface of the 2009 Drug User Survey: 

Only ten percent of drug users surveyed had received a form of drug treatment, although 90% of them felt that they were in need of it. This leaves around 700,000 Afghans with no access to drug treatment ‐ and another generation on the way.

↑10 The report details how the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) spent over 50 million dollars between January 2013 and April 2018 on 41 drug treatment projects, which were implemented by the intergovernmental Asia-Pacific regional organisation, the Colombo Plan and UNODC.
↑11  BBC Persian quoted Deputy Minister of Interior for Counter-Narcotics Abdul Haq Hamkar, saying: “Information obtained from investigating drug users provided good clues to discover, identify and arrest people in the drug distribution network.”
↑12 See these two video footages by the Spanish news agency EFE here and by Al Jazeera here. Both are from 2023.
↑13 During the Republic, the MoPH also had a policy for the community-based services for treatment of drug users (the report is undated, but refers to 2012-2016 sources). The purpose of this policy was to gradually lessen the institutional isolation of individuals with addiction while providing services to the necessary population where they live and work. The policy had different phases, such as the pre-treatment phase (3-4 months), primary treatment phase (45 days) and aftercare and rehabilitation phase, consisting of a follow-up phase (intensive up to 90 days) and then follow-up for one year with relapse prevention. A doctor from one of the treatment centres in Kabul said that the policy was for the entire country, but it was implemented incompletely in some places in government hospitals. For example, in Janglak treatment centre for drug users, said, “In Janglak treatment centre, we had community-based services for addicts. Addicts who were not able to come to the centre were in bed in their homes and psychotherapies and social counselling were presented to them in their homes.”
↑14 For an illustration of what ‘under the bridge’ looked like, see this Al Jazeera photo essay from 2022.

Treating Drug Users in Afghanistan: How to respond to a massive problem? 
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