Special Forces officer blocked 1,585 Afghans from UK

May 23, 2025
Joel Gunter and Hannah O’Grady
BBC News
May 23, 2025
Ben Taggart Afghan special forces units known as the 'Triples' appear during an exercise.
Afghan special forces were in danger of reprisal after the Taliban seized back the country

A UK Special Forces officer personally rejected 1,585 resettlement applications from Afghans with credible links to special forces, newly released documents say.

The files, disclosed by the Ministry of Defence in court on Thursday, show the unnamed UKSF officer rejected every application referred to him in the summer of 2023, in what was described as a “sprint”.

The MoD told the court that the officer may have been connected to the ongoing inquiry into alleged war crimes committed by the SAS.

The admission comes after the BBC revealed last week that the UKSF officer – who previously served in Afghanistan – rejected applications from Afghans who may have witnessed the alleged crimes.

Afghan commandos, known as the Triples, supported the SAS and SBS for years in Afghanistan and were in danger of reprisal after the Taliban seized back the country in 2021.

But thousands of UK resettlement applications containing credible links to the Triples were rejected.

The rejections came at a time when a public inquiry in the UK had begun investigating allegations that British special forces had committed war crimes on operations in Afghanistan where the Triples were present.

If the Afghan commandos were in the UK, they could be called as witnesses – but the inquiry has no power to compel testimony from foreign nationals who are overseas.

MoD officials raised concerns as early as October 2022 about the role of the UKSF in rejecting applications with links to the Triples units, the new documents show.

In a witness statement submitted to court, Natalie Moore, the head of the UK’s Afghan resettlement team, wrote that she became concerned the UKSF was applying a practice of “automatic rejections” with regard to Triples, giving rise to the “appearance of an unpublished mass rejection policy”.

Despite concerns first being raised internally in October 2022 – and again between October 2023 and January 2024 – in March 2024 the MoD denied to both the BBC and Parliament that UKSF had had a veto over the former commandos’ applications.

In January 2024, following the BBC’s revelation of the existence of a UKSF veto over applications, then-Veterans Minister Johnny Mercer warned senior cabinet ministers in writing of a “significant conflict of interest that should be obvious to all”.

The veto gave the UKSF “decision-making power over… potential witnesses to the inquiry”, Mercer said, calling the arrangement “deeply inappropriate”.

In the same letter, Mercer said that he had seen evidence that five former Triples had been killed by the Taliban after their resettlement applications were rejected.

And in a meeting with Ms Moore, he highlighted a case in which an applicant was rejected having “previously confronted UKSF leadership about EJKs [extrajudicial killings] in Afghanistan”.

Mercer told the BBC on Friday he was “shocked and appalled” at the revelations from the court case.

“When I raised what was happening with the most senior officers and civil servants in the UK Government, one in particular from UKSF claimed he was offended, and it was offensive to UKSF, that I had raised it.

“He was either lying to my face as a Cabinet Minister, which is serious enough, or is so deeply incompetent that he didn’t know.”

The Triples – so-called because their designations were CF 333 and ATF 444 – were set up, trained, and paid by the UKSF. When Afghanistan fell to the Taliban, they were judged to be in grave danger of reprisal and were entitled to apply for resettlement to the UK.

But more than 2,000 applications judged by resettlement caseworkers to have credible evidence were subsequently rejected by the UKSF.

The MoD later announced a review of more than 2,000 rejected applications after finding that the decisions were “not robust”.

Earlier this week, Armed Forces Minster Luke Pollard announced a new phase of the review to take into account up to 2,500 further cases which may have been improperly rejected.

Some of the former Triples who were denied visas have since been tortured and killed by the Taliban, according to testimony from former colleagues, family members and lawyers.

The documents disclosed in court on Thursday, as part of a judicial review case brought by a former member of the Triples, reveal that the government launched two investigations that examined the actions of the UKSF and the allegations of a conflict of interest at the heart of the Triples rejections.

A summary of one of those investigations, known as Operation X, said it “did not obtain any evidence of hidden motives on the part of the UKSF liaison officer” and found “no evidence of automatic/instant/mass rejections” of the Triples by the UKSF – but provided no evidence to back up those conclusions.

It instead concluded that the more than 2,000 rejections of Triples were down to “slack and unprofessional verification processes” by the UKSF liaison officer and “lax procedures followed by the officer in not following up on all lines of enquiry before issuing rejections”.

More than 600 of those rejections have since been overturned.

BBC Panorama reported recently that the rejection of the Triples applications had been overseen by Gen Jenkins, who was head of the UKSF at the time and was promoted last week to be the head of the Royal Navy.

In the court documents, the MoD said that Gen Jenkins had no involvement with the applications and that he had not appointed the UKSF officer who rejected them.

Tom de la Mare KC, representing the former Triple who brought the case, accused the MoD of breaching its duty of candour in the case by failing to disclose evidence of a blanket practice of rejection of the Triples applications.

He further accused the MoD of providing misleading responses to requests for information.

Cathryn McGahey KC, representing the MoD, told the court she did “not seek to excuse or underplay in any way the provision of inaccurate answers”, and she apologised for the fact that the MoD had previously told the court that no veto existed.

The case is examining whether the review of the rejected Triples applications was conducted in a lawful manner. Ms McGahey told the court that “there might have been a better way of doing it, but that doesn’t make it unlawful”.

Daniel Carey, partner at DPG, the law firm acting on behalf of the former Triples, said: “My client spent years asking the MoD to rectify the blanket refusals of Triples personnel and has seen many killed and harmed by the Taliban in that time.

“He is pleased that the MoD have agreed to inform everyone of the decisions in their cases and to tell the persons affected whether their cases are under review or not, but it should not have required litigation to achieve basic fairness.”

Special Forces officer blocked 1,585 Afghans from UK
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Pakistan, Afghanistan move towards ‘restoring ties’ in talks with China

May 23, 2025
By Abid Hussain

Al Jazeera

Islamabad, Pakistan – As Pakistan remained embroiled in a war of words with its archrival India – following a dramatic exchange of missiles and drones nearly two weeks ago – it this week advanced diplomatic efforts with two other neighbors: China and Afghanistan, which could lead to the formal resumption of diplomatic ties between Islamabad and Kabul after nearly four years.

In an “informal” trilateral meeting held in Beijing on May 21, the foreign ministers of China, Pakistan and Afghanistan convened under a forum first launched in 2017, and which last met in May 2023.

This time, a key outcome from the meeting, according to Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, was a renewed willingness by both Pakistan and Afghanistan to restore diplomatic relations after heightened tensions in recent years.

“Afghanistan and Pakistan expressed clear willingness to elevate diplomatic relations and agreed in principle to exchange ambassadors as soon as possible. China welcomed this and will continue to provideassistance for the improvement of Afghanistan-Pakistan relations,” Wang said.

A Pakistani diplomat with direct knowledge of the talks told Al Jazeera that the next round of the trilateral meetings will be held “very soon”, within a few weeks, to build on the momentum from the Beijing conclave.

“I am reasonably optimistic about the outcomes. It was a great confidence- and trust-building exercise between the three countries,” said the official, speaking on condition of anonymity about the Beijing meeting.

Trilateral diplomacy amid Indo-Pakistan tensions

The meeting came after a four-day standoff between Pakistan and India, with both countries claiming “victory” and launching diplomatic offensives to assert dominance.

The conflict, from May 7 to May 10, followed Indian strikes on what it called “terrorist infrastructure” in Pakistan, in retaliation for the Pahalgam attack in Indian-administered Kashmir last month that left 26 civilians dead. India blamed the attack on Pakistan-based armed groups, an allegation Islamabad denies.

While China urged restraint on both sides, its support for Pakistan was evident on the front lines of the conflict, with the Pakistani military using Chinese fighter jets, missiles, and air defence systems.

On the other hand, Indian Foreign Minister S Jaishankar said on May 15 that he appreciated Afghan acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi’s “condemnation” of the Pahalgam attack, in a conversation between the two. Indian media also reported a visit to New Delhi by senior Taliban figure and deputy interior minister, Ibrahim Sadr, in early May.

For Pakistan and China, the “conflict with India has reinforced strategic clarity” on the need to work closely with Afghanistan,  Sayed said.

Kabul-based political analyst Tameem Bahiss agreed.

“This [the call between Muttaqi and Jaishankar] signals a major shift in India-Afghanistan relations, one that could raise concerns in Islamabad amid an already volatile regional climate,” he said. “The timing of this trilateral meeting, not just its content, reflects an urgent need for coordination among these three countries as new geopolitical dynamics take shape in South and Central Asia.”

A rocky relationship

When the Afghan Taliban returned to power in August 2021, many saw it as a win for Pakistan, given its historical ties to the group. From 1996 through 2021, Pakistan was one of the Taliban’s key allies. India, meanwhile, viewed the Taliban as a proxy of Pakistan’s intelligence agencies and refused to engage with it.

However, relations between Pakistan and the Taliban have deteriorated.

Pakistan has accused the Afghan Taliban of allowing groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to launch attacks across the border, an allegation the Taliban vehemently deny. The TTP, formed in 2007, shares ideological roots with the Afghan Taliban but operates independently.

According to the Pak Institute for Peace Studies, Pakistan suffered 521 attacks in 2024 – a 70 percent increase from the previous year – resulting in nearly 1,000 civilian and security personnel deaths.

But in a trip that was seen as a potential breakthrough in strained ties, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar visited Kabul on April 19, just days before the Pahalgam attack.

Ihsanullah Tipu, an Islamabad-based security analyst, says Pakistan’s renewed diplomatic outreach to Afghanistan prioritises key concerns, with security taking precedence over trade, border disputes, and border closures, a sentiment he said China also shares.

“To foster meaningful trade ties, Pakistan’s security concerns must be addressed first,” Tipu told Al Jazeera, warning that failure to do so could escalate tensions to armed conflict.

“But given China’s global influence and close ties with both Pakistan and Afghanistan, Beijing can play a pivotal role as a guarantor of any commitments made,” added Tipu, who co-founded the security research portal The Khorasan Diary.

Common security threats

While Pakistan continues to accuse the Afghan Taliban of harbouring fighters who attack targets in Pakistan, many of these assaults have been directed at Chinese nationals working on CPEC projects.

China has also expressed concern over the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), alleging that its fighters use Afghan territory to stage attacks against China.

Sayed of PCI stressed that both Pakistan and China see security as their “core interest” in Afghanistan.

“This is a shared threat, and in the past the ETIM has also had a significance presence in Afghanistan. And these militant networks are connected with each other as well. So that is a pre-requisite for any cooperation to move forward, to first neutralise these terrorist outfits, which seem to be operating freely and comfortably in Afghanistan,” he said.

However, Bahiss noted that since the Taliban’s return to power, most regional countries, including China, have found the security situation inside Afghanistan acceptable, enabling ongoing economic engagement.

“The key exception is Pakistan, which continues to face serious threats from Afghan soil. While Pakistan prioritises eliminating or containing the TTP, Kabul is focused on trade, transit, and regional integration,” he said.

This is where China’s pivotal role could come into the picture, the Kabul-based analyst said, adding that the country is uniquely positioned to mediate by encouraging security cooperation while also advancing trade and transit initiatives that benefit all three countries.

During the civilian governments in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021, India and Afghanistan developed close ties, despite several attacks on Indian diplomatic missions by the Taliban and its allies.

In recent months, there has been increased interaction between officials from New Delhi and Kabul, including the recent Jaishankar-Muttaqi conversation.

Does this warming of ties raise alarm in Islamabad? Sayed doesn’t think so.

“Pakistan doesn’t mistrust Kabul. But Pakistan has asked for action. The rulers there need to walk the talk regarding TTP and other terrorist outfits. I don’t think either Beijing or Islamabad opposes Kabul having positive relations with India, as long as it doesn’t compromise the interests of Pakistan and China,” he said.

However, Bahis said New Delhi’s rapprochement with the Taliban could lead to worries in Pakistan and China, both of which have historically had tense ties with India.

“While recent India-Afghanistan contacts are still in early stages, their timing may raise concerns in Islamabad,” he said.

“Afghanistan has the sovereign right to engage with any country, including India. But it must tread carefully. Clear messaging is essential to ensure that its growing ties with New Delhi aren’t misinterpreted as threats by other regional players,” Bahiss said. “Balancing these complex relationships will require diplomacy, transparency, and mutual respect.”

Source: Al Jazeera
Pakistan, Afghanistan move towards ‘restoring ties’ in talks with China
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Beijing pledges Development Aid amid Kabul’s push for stronger economic ties

May 23, 2025
Khaama Press

Beijing has pledged development aid to Kabul, focusing on health, agriculture, and energy as both sides seek stronger economic ties.

Acting Foreign Minister of the Taliban administration, Amir Khan Muttaqi, met with Luo Zhaohui, head of China’s International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA), on Thursday, May 22, to discuss bilateral cooperation and China’s role in Afghanistan’s reconstruction. The high-level meeting marks another step in China’s increasing engagement in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of Western forces.

Muttaqi expressed hope for deeper collaboration between Kabul and Beijing, especially in the sectors of agriculture, energy, and long-term infrastructure development. He described China as a vital development partner in rebuilding the country’s economy and public services.

According to Hafiz Zia Ahmad Takal, deputy spokesperson of the Taliban’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Chinese official pledged development assistance in healthcare, agriculture, infrastructure, and energy. He also expressed interest in launching feasibility studies for oil and gas exploration, and supporting capacity-building initiatives.

Chen Xiaodong, the head of China’s development agency, reiterated these commitments during the meeting, promising that China would support Afghanistan’s recovery through technical and financial cooperation. Takal added that Muttaqi presented specific proposals to CIDCA outlining areas where China’s support could accelerate Afghanistan’s reconstruction efforts.

The talks come amid broader Chinese diplomatic activity in the region. Muttaqi had previously met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to discuss enhancing political and economic ties between the two nations.

Analysts say China’s expanding role in Afghanistan reflects a strategic bid to ensure regional stability and secure its interests in connectivity, energy, and trade. The country’s geographic position makes it a key corridor for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its potential linkages to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

However, experts warn that without broader international recognition and domestic inclusivity, Afghanistan’s development progress may face limitations. While China’s involvement signals a shift in regional dynamics, the sustainability of such support remains uncertain in the face of persistent security and governance challenges.

According to Zia Ahmad Takal, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Chinese delegation pledged support in various areas including healthcare, infrastructure, oil and gas exploration feasibility studies, and professional training programs for Afghan institutions.

 

Beijing pledges Development Aid amid Kabul’s push for stronger economic ties
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Shaheen: Delaying Recognition of Islamic Emirate No Longer Logical

May 23, 2025
TOLOnews
TV Network
23 May 2025
Shaheen warned that further delaying recognition of the Islamic Emirate is no longer logical.
Suhail Shaheen, the ambassador of the Islamic Emirate in Qatar, told TOLOnews that regional countries, recognizing the realities in Afghanistan, have begun engaging with the caretaker government at various levels.

Shaheen warned that further delaying recognition of the Islamic Emirate is no longer logical. “The Islamic Emirate is a current reality of Afghanistan. The region and the world have come to acknowledge this, which is why they are now engaging with us. We believe that issues can be resolved through understanding and engagement. Over the past 40 years, many global powers tried confrontation and aggression, and it didn’t work,” he said.

Regarding relations with Pakistan, he stated that Kabul seeks good ties with Islamabad, but those ties must be mutual, balanced, and free from “blame games.”

According to Shaheen, countries like India and Iran have also come to realize that the caretaker government operates independently of any foreign power, a fact that has shifted their approach.

He added, “We support positive relations with Pakistan and our other neighbors, but they must be reciprocal to be effective.”

Political analyst Mohammad Aslam Danishmal said: “The Afghan government should continue its balanced policy as it has so far.”

The caretaker government has repeatedly called for international recognition. In response, the international community has outlined conditions including the formation of an inclusive government, respect for human rights, and combating terrorism and drug trafficking.

Shaheen: Delaying Recognition of Islamic Emirate No Longer Logical
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Getting married, with 49 other couples 

May 22, 2025

The Daily Hustle

Rohullah Sorush • Roxanna Shapour

Afghanistan Analysts Network

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For many young Afghans, the dream of getting married and starting a family is stymied by a myriad obstacles on the road to their hoped-for nuptials. One of the main barriers is the high cost of weddings and the steep bride price that many fathers ask for in exchange for their daughter’s hand in marriage. In recent years, some charities have stepped in to help young men overcome the financial demands of getting married by sponsoring group weddings. In this instalment of the Daily Hustle, Rohullah Sorush hears from an Afghan man about how he and his wife found themselves getting married in a group ceremony alongside 49 other couples. 

A rocky start in life 

My name is Ghulam. I was born in Kabul’s Kart-e Sakhi neighbourhood in 1983 during the Russian occupation of Afghanistan. I only went to school until third grade. Back then, with the civil war raging, times were tough, and when I was ten years old, I had to go to work to help support my family. At first, I got a job in a small baked goods factory, later moving to a rug-weaving workshop, where the pay was slightly better.

In 2000, I went to Iran to find work. I got a job in a metal workshop. I worked there for eight years, honing my skills as a metalworker. The shop did a brisk business and I made good money. I kept some of my earnings for my own expenses and sent the rest home to my mother. Sadly, we lost my father while I was in Iran, which made me the main provider for my mother and two brothers, who were still young and I wanted them to stay in school.

Time to start a family 

When I came back to Kabul, I opened a small metal workshop in the Kot-e Sangi area, with the little money my mother had been saving from my earnings in Iran. I made metal doors, windows and other things people needed for their homes. The shop gave me a living and I could support my family. My mother kept nagging me to get married. She said it was time for me to start a family of my own, and she set out to find me a suitable girl. Finally, after considering several young women, she settled on a lovely girl from a good family and I got engaged. But getting engaged is one thing and actually getting married is something else.

It’s not unusual for Afghans to get engaged and stay engaged for several years, because they can’t afford to get married. I wasn’t any different. First, I had to pay a bride price to my father-in-law, which I couldn’t afford. Then, it was the cost of having a wedding, because in Afghanistan, you have to invite many guests. It’s not just close relatives and friends; you must invite members of your tribe whose weddings you yourself have attended. Even a small wedding typically involves about 500 guests. Larger weddings can exceed 1,000. At the very least, you have to hire a wedding hall and pay for food for all the guests.

My perpetual engagement 

Four years after I got engaged, I still hadn’t saved money enough to get married. My fiancée and her family were getting impatient. My father-in-law was asking for 250,000 afghani [about 3,600 USD] as a bride price and I had calculated that it would cost another 500,000 afghani [about 7,000 USD] for a small wedding. I really couldn’t see how I’d come up with 750,000 afghani [about 11,000 USD], even if I worked all the hours God sent.

I told my father-in-law about my financial troubles. He said he’d reduce the bride price to 50,000 afghani [about 700 USD]. I asked a friend for a loan. He didn’t have the money but introduced me to someone who I could borrow money from. I went to the man and we agreed that he’d give me the funds, which I’d then pay back within six months. But when I went to my father-in-law with the money, he’d changed his mind. He said he wouldn’t accept any amount lower than what he’d originally asked for. So I returned the money to the man who had lent it to me. My wedding was now postponed indefinitely.

A resolution at last 

Another two years went by and I was still no closer to having saved enough to get married. I spoke to my fiancée and told her I didn’t think I’d ever save enough money for us to get married the way her family wanted us to. I was saving as much as I could, but I still had to support my family and everything, including weddings, was getting more expensive by the day.

One day, a friend told me about the Abul Fazl ul-Abbas Social and Cultural Foundation. He said they supported couples who wanted to get married, but didn’t have the financial means to do so. He said they did this by organising group weddings, which they pay for. So one day I went to the foundation’s office and talked to the people there about the possibility of taking part in one of their group weddings. Later that day, I raised the idea with my fiancée.

We decided that she’d get her family to agree to a group wedding, but when she first raised the idea with them, her uncle opposed it. He said they’d attended the weddings of many relatives and it was time for them to return the hospitality by hosting a wedding. But she wouldn’t give up. She kept bringing it up every few days until her parents finally relented and agreed. It felt like a miracle.

I went back to the foundation and told them I wanted to take part in one of their group weddings. They talked me through their selection procedure and said they’d need to first do some checks. They’d be in touch, they said, and if I met all the conditions, we could take part in one of their group wedding ceremonies.

Qualifying for a group wedding 

The Abul Fazl ul-Abbas Foundation doesn’t just accept anyone who asks to be married in a group wedding. They have strict guidelines for who can qualify. First, they must speak to the couple and their families to ensure everyone agrees. Second, they need to confirm that the groom isn’t already married. Lastly, they will investigate the groom’s financial situation to make sure he genuinely lacks the means to pay for a wedding, for example, that he doesn’t own any property that he could sell to pay for his wedding.

I wasn’t worried. I knew I met all their conditions. They came to my home and talked to my mother. She told them that my father had died and I supported the family. They saw the rented rooms we lived in. They met my in-laws to make sure they’d be happy with their daughter getting married in a group wedding.

Finally, they agreed to accept us. Before the wedding, we had to attend several meetings where they talked to us about what it means to be married, including the rights of a husband and the rights of a wife.

Finally, the big day 

50 couples got married during our wedding event. The foundation had given each couple 50 invitation cards so that family and friends could join us for the occasion. Our wedding was in the evening, but another 50 couples were set to marry during a lunch ceremony the following day.

Everyone was dressed the same, because the foundation had given each bride a wedding dress, veil, and shoes, and each groom a suit, shirt, socks and shoes. There were also wedding presents for every couple to help them as they started their new life together – a nine-metre rug, a set of dishes for a family of four, a pressure cooker and a gas heater.

They did the nekah [marriage contract] before the ceremony so that the couples are mahram to each other and don’t have problems sitting together, talking and holding each other’s hands. The event itself was a celebration for friends and family – a public declaration of our marriage. The atmosphere was festive. Although there was no music, there were people who recited religious poetry. A simple dinner of traditional Afghan rice was served, but nothing else alongside the main dish – no fruit or vegetables. Each couple also got their own wedding cake. We took our cake home to share with family and friends.

We couldn’t afford to host any parties, like a pre-wedding henna night, but our families gathered at our house after the wedding to celebrate. They threw noql [a traditional sweet] and chocolate as we got out of the car and we had a simple gathering with our wedding cake and tea. The day after the wedding my in-laws visited for the takht jami (post-wedding party). We had a simple dinner and they brought gifts for my wife

Happily ever after 

It’s been five years since my wife and I got married along with those 49 other couples in a group wedding. We have a happy home and are blessed with two children. Sometimes, I ask her if she regrets forgoing a big wedding. “Not for a moment”, she says. “I decided to start my life with you, and I’ve never looked back. Look at the life we have now, look at our amazing children. If I’d held out for a big wedding, we might still be waiting for you to save up.”

Edited by Roxanna Shapour

Getting married, with 49 other couples 
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Classifying Taliban as ‘foreign terrorist organization’ under review: US

May 22, 2025
Al Jazeera
Published On 21 May 2025
A ‘comprehensive review’ of the US’s chaotic military withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 has also been ordered.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said that the United States is reviewing whether to designate Afghanistan’s rulers, the Taliban, as a “foreign terrorist organization”.

Rubio told the House Foreign Affairs Committee during a hearing on Capitol Hill in Washington on Wednesday, “I believe that classification is now, once again, under review.”

The response came a day after US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth ordered a “comprehensive review” of the United States’s chaotic military withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, an evacuation operation in which 13 US service members and 150 Afghans were killed at Kabul’s airport in an ISIL (ISIS) bombing.

Hegseth said in a memo on Tuesday that after three months of assessing the withdrawal, a comprehensive review was needed to ensure accountability for this event.

“This remains an important step toward regaining faith and trust with the American people and all those who wear the uniform, and is prudent based on the number of casualties and equipment lost during the execution of this withdrawal operation,” Hegseth wrote.

Trump had signed the deal with the Taliban in Doha in February 2020 aimed at ending its 18-year war in Afghanistan, beginning with the withdrawal of about 4,000 troops “within months”.

The then-Trump administration had agreed it would withdraw from the country by May 2021 if the Taliban negotiated a peace agreement with the Afghan government and promised to prevent internationally designated terrorist groups, such as al-Qaeda and ISIL, from gaining a foothold in the country.

After assuming office in January 2021, Biden said he had to respect the agreement or risk new conflicts with the Taliban, which could have required additional troops in Afghanistan.

On the 2024 campaign trail, Trump frequently criticised Biden and his administration for the withdrawal, saying that the manner in which it was done “was the most embarrassing day in the history of our country’s life.” Trump said that the withdrawal should have been done with “dignity, with strength, with power.”

Senior US military officials, including then-Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and the then-top US general, Mark Milley, have already appeared before lawmakers to give their testimonies regarding the withdrawal.

The war in Afghanistan from 2001-2021 was the US’s longest war, surpassing Vietnam.

It remains unclear how Hegseth’s review would differ from the many previous reviews carried out by the US military, Department of State and Trump’s fellow Republicans in the House of Representatives.

US Central Command, which oversees operations in the Middle East, has also carried out an investigation into the ISIL attack on Kabul during the last few days of the withdrawal.

Source: News Agencies
Classifying Taliban as ‘foreign terrorist organization’ under review: US
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Hegseth Orders a New Review of U.S. Withdrawal From Afghanistan

May 22, 2025

Reporting from Washington

The New York Times

The defense secretary’s decision to select his chief spokesman to lead the inquiry into the chaotic end of the war was highly unusual.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said on Tuesday that he had directed his chief spokesman to convene a panel to review the U.S. military’s chaotic 2021 withdrawal from Afghanistan and to ensure that senior military officials were held accountable.

In a memo to senior Pentagon leaders, Mr. Hegseth said that the department had been reviewing the operation that led to the deaths of 13 U.S. troops and 170 civilians at Kabul International Airport. He suggested that the effort led by Sean Parnell, the Pentagon’s assistant to the secretary of defense for public affairs, would be more comprehensive than previous reviews.

Mr. Hegseth’s selection of his chief spokesman to conduct such an inquiry was highly unusual and appeared to reflect a skepticism that uniformed military leaders would hold each other accountable.

Mr. Parnell served in Afghanistan for 16 months in 2006 and 2007 as a platoon leader in Paktika Province, near Pakistan’s border, where he was wounded in combat. A news release announcing the review noted that he “lost countless friends to the war on terror.”

“I want to say this very strongly,” Colonel Scheller said in a video he recorded only hours after the deaths. “I have been fighting for 17 years. I am willing to throw it all away to say to my senior leaders: I demand accountability.”

He was reprimanded by a military judge and ordered to forfeit $5,000 in pay.

In his video, Colonel Scheller criticized the military’s senior leaders for closing Bagram Air Base, a large, secure facility about 25 miles from Kabul, and for relying entirely on a more vulnerable, civilian airport for the high-stakes evacuation.

“Did any of you throw your rank on the table and say, ‘Hey, it’s a bad idea to evacuate Bagram airfield’?” he asked.

Mr. Hegseth largely blamed the Biden administration for the poorly executed end to the war, and seemed to suggest, much as Colonel Scheller did in his video, that uniformed military leaders should have resigned in protest rather than carry out the flawed withdrawal plan.

But the review’s narrow scope likely will not include the decisions that led up to the withdrawal, such as the deal President Trump and his first administration made with the Taliban in February 2020. That agreement set a hard deadline for America’s retreat from Afghanistan after nearly two decades of war.

Nor does it seem likely that the review will look into the sudden collapse of the Afghan military after tens of billions of dollars in support from the Pentagon. Civilian and military leaders spanning four presidencies touted the growing strength and progress of the Afghan forces only to see them collapse in a matter of weeks as the U.S. military was leaving.

Hegseth Orders a New Review of U.S. Withdrawal From Afghanistan
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CSTO Member States to begin sending Weapons to Afghanistan Border

May 22, 2025
Khaama Press

 

CSTO countries will start delivering weapons and military equipment to strengthen the Afghanistan border, enhancing regional security and response.

Imangali Tasmagambetov, Secretary-General of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), announced at the CSTO Parliamentary Assembly that the dispatch of weapons and military equipment to strengthen Tajikistan’s border with Afghanistan will begin soon. This plan aims to counter security threats stemming from Afghanistan and reduce border vulnerabilities.

The program, approved in 2024 in Astana, Kazakhstan, is set to be officially implemented in three phases starting in 2026. CSTO member states—including Russia, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Belarus—will prepare to respond rapidly to cross-border threats originating from Afghanistan, enhancing regional security cooperation.

The plan includes bolstering military infrastructure in southern Tajikistan and increasing the rapid response capabilities of CSTO forces. Concerns have escalated in the region due to the presence of terrorist groups such as ISIS and the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, especially following the Taliban’s return to power in 2021.

Tajikistan, which shares over 1,400 kilometers of border with Afghanistan, has repeatedly warned of extremist infiltration risks. Several Central Asian countries have conducted joint military drills near the Afghan border to enhance readiness and cooperation against growing threats from over 20 active terrorist organizations within Afghanistan.

While the Taliban administration of Afghanistan claims it does not permit foreign militant groups to operate from its territory, regional reports highlight escalating insecurity and drug trafficking, increasing concerns among neighboring states.

Experts view the CSTO initiative as a strategic move to establish a “security belt” around Afghanistan, a concept previously proposed by Tajikistan’s president. This security framework seeks to stabilize the region amid persistent instability and transnational threats.

The CSTO’s efforts to fortify borders reflect a broader regional push to mitigate risks stemming from Afghanistan’s ongoing turmoil. With international actors focusing on counterterrorism and border security, the success of such measures will depend on sustained cooperation and political will among Central Asian nations and global partners.

CSTO Member States to begin sending Weapons to Afghanistan Border
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Beijing pledges Development Aid amid Kabul’s push for stronger economic ties

May 22, 2025
Khaama Press

Beijing has pledged development aid to Kabul, focusing on health, agriculture, and energy as both sides seek stronger economic ties.

Acting Foreign Minister of the Taliban administration, Amir Khan Muttaqi, met with Luo Zhaohui, head of China’s International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA), on Thursday, May 22, to discuss bilateral cooperation and China’s role in Afghanistan’s reconstruction. The high-level meeting marks another step in China’s increasing engagement in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of Western forces.

Muttaqi expressed hope for deeper collaboration between Kabul and Beijing, especially in the sectors of agriculture, energy, and long-term infrastructure development. He described China as a vital development partner in rebuilding the country’s economy and public services.

According to Hafiz Zia Ahmad Takal, deputy spokesperson of the Taliban’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Chinese official pledged development assistance in healthcare, agriculture, infrastructure, and energy. He also expressed interest in launching feasibility studies for oil and gas exploration, and supporting capacity-building initiatives.

Chen Xiaodong, the head of China’s development agency, reiterated these commitments during the meeting, promising that China would support Afghanistan’s recovery through technical and financial cooperation. Takal added that Muttaqi presented specific proposals to CIDCA outlining areas where China’s support could accelerate Afghanistan’s reconstruction efforts.

The talks come amid broader Chinese diplomatic activity in the region. Muttaqi had previously met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to discuss enhancing political and economic ties between the two nations.

Analysts say China’s expanding role in Afghanistan reflects a strategic bid to ensure regional stability and secure its interests in connectivity, energy, and trade. The country’s geographic position makes it a key corridor for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its potential linkages to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

However, experts warn that without broader international recognition and domestic inclusivity, Afghanistan’s development progress may face limitations. While China’s involvement signals a shift in regional dynamics, the sustainability of such support remains uncertain in the face of persistent security and governance challenges.

According to Zia Ahmad Takal, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Chinese delegation pledged support in various areas including healthcare, infrastructure, oil and gas exploration feasibility studies, and professional training programs for Afghan institutions.

Beijing pledges Development Aid amid Kabul’s push for stronger economic ties
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US aid suspension severely impacts humanitarian operations in Afghanistan: UN OCHA

May 22, 2025

By Fidel Rahmati

Khaama Press

The suspension of U.S. aid has disrupted Afghanistan’s humanitarian operations, leaving millions without healthcare and risking a worsening crisis.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has warned that the suspension of U.S. funding has had devastating consequences for humanitarian operations in Afghanistan, leaving over 1.6 million people without access to essential healthcare services.

According to OCHA’s latest report released on Thursday, May 22, 188 health centers across Afghanistan were forced to shut down by the end of February 2025 due to funding shortages. This closure has deprived more than 1.6 million individuals of crucial health services, particularly in remote and underserved areas.

The report also highlights that approximately 1,700 female health workers and demining staff lost their jobs as a result of the funding cuts. The layoffs have had a particularly harsh impact on women and their families, further exacerbating gender-based vulnerabilities under the current economic and political conditions in the country.

OCHA emphasized the critical role that U.S. humanitarian aid played in previous years. In 2021 and 2022, U.S. contributions were instrumental in averting widespread famine by focusing on food security and supporting emergency interventions during peak crises.

In 2024 alone, the U.S. provided $735.7 million—about 47% of the total humanitarian budget for Afghanistan—making it the largest donor. This support enabled humanitarian agencies to deliver at least one form of life-saving assistance to 20.4 million Afghans, including comprehensive aid to 3.4 million people, 29% of whom were women.

However, the abrupt halt in U.S. funding for 2025 has disrupted procurement cycles and preparedness activities ahead of seasonal emergencies. OCHA cautions that without alternative funding to fill this gap, millions could be pushed toward hunger and deprivation.

OCHA urged the international community to step in and fill the funding void. “The humanitarian situation in Afghanistan remains dire,” the report stated, “and without timely support, the cost in human suffering will be immeasurable.”

Multiple aid organizations, including the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), have echoed similar concerns in recent months, underscoring the need for sustained funding and access to ensure aid delivery amid mounting needs and operational challenges.

US aid suspension severely impacts humanitarian operations in Afghanistan: UN OCHA
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