France has urged the Taliban to remove the political, human rights and security obstacles preventing Afghanistan’s reintegration into the international community, telling the UN Security Council that the next steps in the Doha process depend on the group responding to longstanding international demands.
Speaking during a UN Security Council meeting on Afghanistan on Wednesday, Jérôme Bonnafont, France’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, said the international community had listened to the Taliban’s concerns through the UN-led Doha engagement process and now expected the Taliban to address the concerns of the Security Council and the wider international community.
Bonnafont said France supports continued diplomatic engagement with Afghanistan but stressed that meaningful progress requires concrete action by the Taliban rather than further demands for international recognition.
The French envoy identified several priorities that the Security Council has repeatedly raised with the Taliban, including the formation of an inclusive government representing Afghanistan’s ethnic and political diversity, unrestricted humanitarian access, stronger action against terrorism and drug trafficking, and respect for fundamental human rights.
France says women’s rights remain the central obstacle
Bonnafont said restrictions imposed on Afghan women and girls continue to undermine Afghanistan’s future and remain one of the principal reasons the country remains internationally isolated.
He said barring women from education, employment and public life deprives Afghanistan’s economy of half of its potential workforce while weakening the country’s long-term development prospects. He also warned that restrictions on women’s access to healthcare have serious humanitarian and public health consequences.
France described the Taliban’s continued ban on Afghan women working for UN agencies inside Afghanistan as “unacceptable,” saying it hampers humanitarian operations and limits the United Nations’ ability to deliver assistance to millions of vulnerable Afghans.
The envoy called on the Taliban to reverse policies restricting women’s participation in society and allow them to return to schools, universities, workplaces and public institutions.
Inclusive political dialogue and security concerns
Bonnafont said lasting peace in Afghanistan cannot be achieved without inclusive political dialogue involving opposition groups, civil society representatives, women and ethnic and religious minorities.
He also urged the Taliban to demonstrate credible action against terrorist groups operating in Afghanistan and strengthen efforts to combat narcotics trafficking, issues that remain major concerns for neighboring countries and the broader international community.
France’s remarks come as the UN continues its Doha process, a diplomatic framework aimed at increasing engagement with Afghanistan while pressing the Taliban to meet international commitments on governance, human rights and security.
International recognition still out of reach
Nearly five years after the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, no country except Russia has formally recognized the Taliban government. Western governments have maintained that normalization of relations depends on measurable improvements in women’s rights, inclusive governance and counterterrorism commitments.
Bonnafont said Afghanistan’s return to the international community remains possible, but only if the Taliban take concrete steps to remove the barriers that continue to isolate the country diplomatically, politically and economically.
France Urges Kabul to Remove Barriers to Afghanistan’s Return to Global Community
At the same time, a number of university professors have emphasized that education, particularly medical education, should not be politicized.
Following the recent decision by the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council to expel Afghan students, and the filing of complaints in several courts, the Balochistan High Court has recently rejected a petition by a number of Afghan students seeking to continue their medical studies and specialist training in Pakistan.
According to Pakistani media reports, the court stated that foreign nationals do not have an absolute or permanent right to reside and study in Pakistan contrary to government policies.
Imran, an Afghan student in Balochistan, said: “I call on the Government of Pakistan, the Ministries of Interior and Foreign Affairs, and the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council not to allow our education to remain incomplete. They should let us obtain our graduation certificates and then return to our homeland.”
At the same time, a number of university professors have emphasized that education, particularly medical education, should not be politicized.
Zakiullah Mohammadi, a university professor, said: “There is no provision in any international law or organization that allows students who legally entered a country with visas and scholarships to complete their studies to be expelled. No government has the right to expel students who have committed no crime or caused any problem.”
Ismail Roshangar, another university professor, said: “What is important for these students to continue their education is the transfer of their academic credits through official transcripts, enabling them to continue their studies in Afghanistan. The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan should provide these opportunities.”
This year, the Pakistani government has adopted stricter policies toward Afghan students and doctors and has also expelled some of them. Meanwhile, the recent decision by the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council has drawn widespread international reactions, particularly from political parties and opponents of the Pakistani government. In Kabul, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has also announced its readiness to provide opportunities for expelled students to continue their education in Afghanistan.
Pakistan Court Rejects Afghan Students’ Medical Study Petition
On recognition of the Islamic Emirate, Balkhi said Afghanistan, as a country, is recognized by the international community.
Abdul Qahar Balkhi, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told CBS News that following the withdrawal of foreign forces, Afghanistan is no longer witnessing their direct interference in the country’s domestic and foreign affairs.
On recognition of the Islamic Emirate, Balkhi said Afghanistan, as a country, is recognized by the international community. He stressed that Kabul seeks formal diplomatic relations with all countries, including the United States.
Abdul Qahar Balkhi, said: “I think one of the provisions of the Doha Agreement was that following the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan, relations would normalize and the United States would contribute to the reconstruction of the country. That was our position then, and it remains our position today: Afghanistan has opened its doors to everyone, including the United States, should they wish to return with a diplomatic presence and development projects to help rebuild the country.”
Political analyst Idris Mohammadi Zazai said: “There are still unresolved issues between the United States or the international community and the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. These issues need to be discussed so that the sides can reach an understanding—one that does not contradict Sharia, culture, or national values.”
Balkhi rejected claims that more than 100 directives targeting women and girls have been issued, calling them propaganda against Afghanistan. He stressed that the suspension of girls’ education beyond sixth grade does not mean they have been deprived of that right and that girls’ education should not be used as a bargaining issue for recognition of the Islamic Emirate. He also rejected claims about the existence of “secret schools.”
Balkhi said: “They can study at home, online, or through an educational institution abroad. Or they can go to another home where teachers are present and teach subjects they are interested in. This is not secret. It is not underground. There is no fear involved. This is something they can pursue if they wish.”
Over the past five years, Russia has been the only country to formally recognize the Islamic Emirate. Islamic Emirate officials have repeatedly said that Afghanistan seeks a balanced foreign policy and expanded diplomatic relations with all countries around the world.
Balkhi: Afghanistan Seeks Formal Diplomatic Relations With US
The report also states that 399 civilians were killed or injured as a result of Pakistan’s attacks on Afghanistan between April 1 and the end of June.
UN Secretary-General’s Latest Report Reviews Afghanistan’s Security, Humanitarian, Economic and Human Rights Situation
In his latest report on Afghanistan, the United Nations Secretary-General addressed issues including security, politics, human rights, the situation of women and girls, the humanitarian and economic situation, the return of migrants, Afghanistan’s relations with Pakistan and regional countries, counterterrorism and counternarcotics efforts, and Afghanistan’s engagement with the international community.
The security section of the report states that 2,947 security incidents were recorded from May 1 through the end of July, representing an 11 percent increase compared with the same period last year. Of these, 64 incidents affected UNAMA personnel.
The report also states that 399 civilians were killed or injured as a result of Pakistan’s attacks on Afghanistan between April 1 and the end of June.
Sadiq Shinwari, a military affairs analyst, said: “The United Nations should play a more active and impartial role in reducing tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan and should also support the protection of civilian lives.”
In the report, the UN Secretary-General called on the Islamic Emirate authorities to take concrete steps to uphold Afghanistan’s international commitments and support human rights and fundamental freedoms. He also called on member states and participants in the Doha Process to maintain their collective commitment and continue principled and pragmatic engagement to support the Afghan people and facilitate the country’s reintegration into the international community.
Enayatullah Humam, a political affairs analyst, said: “The Islamic Emirate has sought to establish balanced relations with the region and interested countries, and we see that around 50 countries are practically engaging with the Islamic Emirate.”
In the humanitarian and health sectors, 13.8 million people are facing acute food insecurity, while 3.7 million children and 1.2 million pregnant and breastfeeding women are experiencing acute malnutrition. At the same time, funding shortages and the return of migrants have increased pressure, while nearly 150 health facilities have been closed or suspended operations.
The humanitarian, economic and health section of the UN Secretary-General’s report states that 13.8 million people are facing acute food insecurity; 3.7 million children and 1.2 million pregnant and breastfeeding women are experiencing acute malnutrition; 1.15 million Afghans have returned from Pakistan and Iran in nearly eight months; the 2026 humanitarian response plan has received only about 30 percent of the required funding; and nearly 150 health facilities were closed or suspended operations during the first six months of the year due to funding shortages.
Qutbuddin Yaqoubi, an economic affairs analyst, said: “Foreign governments or countries working in this area should separate their policies from those concerning the Afghan government so that they can assist Afghans in need based on humanitarian principles and not politicize their aid.”
The UN Secretary-General’s latest report on the situation in Afghanistan and UNAMA’s activities is scheduled to be reviewed today at a meeting of the United Nations Security Council. The meeting will be held at 6:30 p.m. Kabul time, and Georgette Gagnon, Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Afghanistan and Officer-in-Charge of UNAMA, will brief Council members on the report.
ALEXANDRIA, Va. (AP) — An Islamic State group member was sentenced Wednesday to 20 years in prison for aiding the terrorist organization that took credit for a suicide bombing that killed 13 U.S. service members and about 160 Afghans at the Kabul airport five years ago during the American military’s chaotic withdrawal from the country.
A federal jury in Virginia had convicted Mohammad Sharifullah in April of providing material support to the IS affiliate known as ISIS-K. But jurors could not agree whether he bore some responsibility for the airport bombing on Aug. 26, 2021.
U.S. troops were conducting an evacuation operation at the airport when a lone suicide bomber detonated an improvised explosive device near an entry point known as Abbey Gate. Sharifullah’s role in the attack was scouting a route to Hamid Karzai International Airport, prosecutors said.
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Sharifullah, 28, received the maximum sentence for his one-count conviction in an international terrorism case that President Donald Trump heralded last year during a speech to a joint session of Congress.
Sharifullah did not testify at his trial and declined to address the court before U.S. District Judge Anthony Trenga imposed the sentence. The judge said the defendant was a “dedicated terrorist” who expressed no remorse for the “unfathomable” grief and suffering that he had caused.
Trenga heard victim impact statements from several parents of the U.S. service members. From a podium only a few feet from where Sharifullah sat, they took turns paying tribute to their children’s sacrifices and describing how the attack has shattered their families.
Mark Schmitz of Missouri asked Sharifullah to turn and look at him as he spoke about the life and death of his 20-year-old son, Marine Corps Lance Cpl. Jared Schmitz.
“They may have taken his life, but they’ll never take his legacy,” Schmitz said. “A bomb killed my son. It did not kill what he stood for.”
Paula Knauss-Selph, whose son, Army Staff Sgt. Ryan Knauss, was killed in the Abbey Gate bombing, said the family was “forever changed” by the attack.
“No justice will ever be enough to mend my broken heart,” she said.
Sharifullah requested a 17-year prison sentence, while prosecutors sought 20 years. His lawyers say he was never an ISIS-K leader and has not been convicted of any conduct related to the airport suicide bombing.
“He was brought here because the government believed he participated in the Abbey Gate attack, a theory which it was unable to prove at trial,” defense attorneys wrote.
Prosecutors said in their sentencing memo that “from his teenage years, when he pledged an oath of allegiance to ISIS-K, Sharifullah’s carnage was driven by hate. Hate towards Americans.”
Jurors convicted Sharifullah of providing material support to ISIS-K. They deadlocked on whether any deaths at the airport “resulted from” that conspiracy. Sharifullah could have faced a possible life sentence if the jury had unanimously decided that question.
According to prosecutors, Sharifullah told a journalist that he wanted to “catch and kill the crusaders” from the United States for invading his country after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. They said Sharifullah was involved in dozens of other attacks, including a March 2024 assault on a Moscow concert hall that killed roughly 140 people.
Defense lawyers argued that prosecutors failed to present any evidence tying Sharifullah to the Kabul bombing besides his own words during hours of FBI questioning. His team said Sharifullah told FBI agents what he thought they wanted to hear, possibly because he was afraid of being tortured in Pakistani custody before he was brought to the U.S.
A review by U.S. Central Command found that the Abbey Gate bomber was Abdul Rahman al-Logari, an IS member who had been released from an Afghan prison by the Taliban. According to an FBI affidavit. Sharifullah recognized the alleged bomber as an operative he had known while incarcerated.
Afghan man sentenced to 20-year prison term in case tied to suicide bombing at Kabul airport
The al-Qaida leader envisaged an economically battered US withdrawing from the Middle East – and a global Muslim uprising. Then the tide turned.
On 11 September, 25 years ago, Osama bin Laden drove with a small number of al-Qaida retainers and aides to a remote location in eastern Afghanistan. His convoy of SUVs was accompanied by a minivan converted into a makeshift communications centre.
The van’s rudimentary equipment did not allow Bin Laden to watch the 19 men he had started sending to the US more than a year before fly planes into the twin towers in New York and the Pentagon near Washington DC, killing about 3,000 people. But he listened as shocked radio announcers broke the news.
Within days of the murderous assault, the then president, George W Bush, had begun framing the US response as a global “war on terror”, a clumsy, inappropriate and counterproductive strategic choice.
For those of us reporting on the ground during this period – watching US bombers over Afghan mountains and tanks in Baghdad streets, interviewing aspirant suicide bombers or the victims of attacks by extremist groups that proliferated from the UK to the Philippines – the errors and failures of this “war on terror” were glaring.
This unprecedented and indiscriminate series of campaigns would lead to invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, involve torture, renditions and alliances with dubious regimes, cost huge amounts of money, destabilise swathes of the Middle East and bring suffering to millions of people.
Was this what Bin Laden had hoped to achieve?
It is frequently suggested that Bin Laden’s aim with the 9/11 attacks was to draw the US into wars that would weaken its economy and lead to its eventual collapse, much as the Soviet Union had been fatally drained by the war in Afghanistan between 1979 and 1989. As a young militant, Bin Laden had witnessed this conflict and even participated in it, albeit in a marginal role.
Butthere is little evidence to back this theory up. Though Bin Laden was undoubtedly inspired by the earlier conflict, he rejected as unrealistic his aides’ warnings that the planned attack would bring US troops to Afghanistan, probably expecting little more than another barrage of ineffective missiles by way of reprisal. Certainly, he had no plan when the US troops did come. Within months of the attacks, shaken al-Qaida members described “misfortune [and] disaster”.
In reality, Bin Laden had a different strategy. He wanted to weaken the US economically and consequently force a withdrawal from the Middle East, not an invasion. In 2004, he boasted that al-Qaida was “bleeding America to the point of bankruptcy”, and that every dollar the group spent attacking the US had cost Washington a million dollars in economic fallout and military spending. This lecture in the advantages of asymmetric warfare resonates today, but was wildly optimistic.
The most costly single event to the US would have been another successful major attack. This never came – an unarguable success of US policymaking since 9/11 and a major failure for al-Qaida. And despite the obvious economic problems in the US, no one could argue that the country has suffered a similar fate to the USSR. Nor, obviously, has it withdrawn its forces from the Middle East.
A second objective of Bin Laden was to force the US to end its support for all the rulers in the region that the once-privileged, Saudi-born dissident so hated, starting with the al-Saud family.
Some of Bin Laden’s targets have been felled since 2001, but not by his actions or by anyone aligned with his vision. Muammar Gaddafi was deposed and killed by western-backed rebels, Saddam Hussein was ousted by the US, and the Assad dynasty’s rule was ended by an al-Qaida veteran who explicitly disavowed the group’s ideology and agenda.
A third aim of Bin Laden was propaganda. His theatre of terror was designed to send a bloody, spectacular and unforgettable message that would radicalise his followers, mobilise new ones and divide communities. He emphasised how attacks such as 9/11 were “just reactions to what’s happening against our children in Palestine, in Iraq, in Somalia, in southern Sudan, in Kashmir”, and called for a global uprising of Muslims against their enemies.
While the 9/11 attacks undoubtedly focused international attention on the conflicts in which Bin Laden saw Muslims as oppressed by the west or its allies, it brought no significant improvement for the victims. The wave of support for Bin Laden and broader interest in extremist Islamism peaked only a few years after 2001, and then quickly ebbed more or less everywhere. Shortly before he was killed by US Navy Seals in Pakistan, Bin Laden was contemplating a rebrand of al-Qaida, its name tarnished by growing criticism within the Islamic world that it was responsible for killing large numbers of Muslims. His successor, the Egyptian Ayman al-Zawahiri, gave up on the uprising altogether, pivoting to a strategy prioritising the local over the global.
If in 2014, in Iraq and Syria, the Islamic State was able to capitalise on the chaos left by the US invasion, sectarian tension and much else to establish its appalling caliphate, even this was over by 2019.
Since then, such groups’ brand of extremism has been confined in large part to the periphery of the Islamic world, and to zones from which the threat to the developed world is intermittent at best. Al-Qaida and the Islamic State have expanded most effectively in sub-Saharan Africa, exploiting anarchy, failed states, demographic pressures, communal competition for scarce resources and the inattention of the west.
Some analysts add together the presumed strength of groups in Somalia or Mali that have very loose, historic links to al-Qaida, and warn that their total membership is higher than those loyal to Bin Laden in 2001. But these few thousand young men with AK-47s have little in common with the organisation Bin Laden led 25 years ago, both in aims and capabilities.
There are still appalling attacks inspired by Bin Laden’s twisted ideology, and there will undoubtedly be more. This is in part due to the polarisation brought about by his violence and the reaction to it – as was his aim.
But it is noteworthy that neither al-Qaida nor IS have prominent charismatic leaders. One reason is that any such figure will be swiftly killed by the vastly more capable US, making identification risky. But it is also because the era when such individuals could command a significant following is over.
It is often said that for an insurgent or terrorist group to win, it merely needs to survive, but there are exceptions. That al-Qaida still exists is an achievement of sorts for the group and, posthumously, for its founder. But it should not be described as any victory.
Every day, Laila attends a classroom that is not supposed to be seen. She leaves home in the morning, goes to a school with no signboard and studies alongside girls who must remain hidden to continue their education.
Five years ago, Laila was 12 and had just entered seventh grade when the Taliban closed secondary schools to girls. Formal schooling ended for her, but her education did not.
A few months later, she found a secret school in her neighbourhood.
Laila is now in the 12th grade at “Invisibles” and is close to graduating. She says the greatest difficulty over the past five years has been the fear that the school could be discovered, students arrested and classes shut down.
Yet those years have also given her opportunities to learn.
She told Afghanistan International: “My intellectual skills have developed greatly, I understand my lessons better, and I have learnt tailoring, which I can use to earn an income.”
For Parasto Hakim, founder of the “Invisibles” initiative, remaining hidden is part of the price girls must pay to continue their education in Afghanistan.
The Invisibles Are Many
Hakim says the programme began with one secret school in September 2021, shortly after the Taliban returned to power. Today, she says, the network operates in 16 provinces, with 35 schools, more than 45 teachers and 1,830 students.
But for Hakim, “Invisibles” is not simply the name of schools that must remain out of the Taliban’s sight.
Girls leave home in the morning without people around them knowing they are going to school, while teachers give lessons behind closed doors in ordinary homes.
Hakim says what initially began as a security necessity gradually became part of the network’s identity.
“Every day, a girl wakes up early in the morning, goes invisibly to school and studies invisibly. The teacher teaches invisibly, and the team works invisibly.”
She says that very condition has become one of the network’s strengths.
“They wanted to define us as a weak force, but we used our invisibility to show what power looks like.”
UNICEF says more than 2.6 million girls in Afghanistan have been deprived of secondary education since 2021. Afghanistan is the only country in the world where secondary and higher education are banned for girls and women.
Under these conditions, “Invisibles” is trying to preserve part of girls’ education outside the formal system.
Students Who Became Teachers
Yalda, 18, graduated from an “Invisibles” school last year with high marks. Her name has been changed for security reasons.
But graduation was not the end of her journey. After finishing school, she set up a class in her area of Kabul, brought together dozens of children and asked the “Invisibles” initiative for help obtaining books and other educational materials.
According to Hakim, initiatives by students and teachers themselves have helped the network expand. More than 2,000 teachers across Afghanistan have also expressed willingness to join the programme and continue teaching their students.
Yalda says that after graduating, she was given the opportunity to work as a teacher through the same school where she had studied.
“After graduating, I got the opportunity to work as a teacher through the same school I had graduated from.”
She says the experience taught her that education is not only a right but something capable of changing lives.
Hosi, another student at one of the schools, had also lost hope of continuing her education when girls’ schools were closed.
“It was unbelievable that we could find an underground school, study there for five years and celebrate our graduation.”
She says security concerns were always present, but continuing their education kept them from remaining at home without learning.
“It saved us from illiteracy. We did not end up staying at home as illiterate girls doing only housework.”
Hosi also began working as a teacher with “Invisibles” after graduating.
Alongside academic subjects, the initiative’s schools teach skills such as carpet weaving, tailoring, digital skills, jewelry-making, design and art.
Hakim says the aim is to help girls use these skills to earn an income.
Education Against a Restricted Future
UNICEF has warned that girls who are out of school face greater risks, including early marriage, child labour and violence.
UNICEF data shows that around 29% of Afghan women aged 20 to 24 were married before turning 18. However, the data alone does not show that child marriage has increased since the Taliban returned to power in 2021.
Hakim says that after universities were closed to women and restrictions intensified, the responsibility of “Invisibles” went beyond academic education.
“Our responsibility went far beyond simply teaching. We had to help girls protect themselves from forced marriage, imposed decisions and economic dependence.”
Maryam, a teacher whose name has been changed for security reasons, stayed at home for around six months after the Taliban returned to power. She says the isolation had a negative effect on her mental wellbeing.
Later, children from the neighbourhood came to her home and asked her to teach them. Maryam gradually gathered more students and later began working with “Invisibles”.
She says that during five years of secret teaching she has “felt afraid every day”, but what encouraged her to continue was seeing hope in her students’ eyes.
“The main reason I continued was seeing hope in the girls’ eyes.”
Maryam has now graduated one group of students and is preparing for the graduation of a second.
Saba, 15, another student at the schools, says secret education has given her hope that she can achieve her future goals.
“Every time we fell, our teacher helped us stand up again, stronger than before.”
She says she wakes up every morning motivated to go to school and has learnt from her teachers to set ambitious goals for her future.
A Secret Classroom, a New Choice
Yalda says her secret school was shut several times, but she eventually graduated in 2026.
After graduating, she considered herself one of the luckiest girls in Afghanistan. But that feeling led her to ask why other girls should not have the same opportunity.
That is why she started a secret class for younger girls.
“This experience taught me that education is not only about building the future; it can also change who we are today.”
Yalda now hopes to continue her studies at a leading university abroad and plans to apply for a scholarship.
Hakim says that alongside academic teaching, “Invisibles” holds reading sessions on human rights, human dignity, justice and respect.
She says the aim is to strengthen girls’ ability to defend their rights within their families and communities, particularly at a time when they are being excluded from formal education.
This part of the initiative did not exist when the programme began. Hakim says her own view of the project has also changed over the past five years.
“When I started this work, I thought there was no way the Taliban could last five years. I thought perhaps I only needed to buy the girls some time; perhaps the world would do something to save us.”
But five years later, the secret schools are still operating.
Hakim says Afghan women have, on the one hand, been pushed to the margins by the country’s rulers and, on the other, have felt that the world does not sufficiently see their suffering.
“We were invisibles who were suffering, but somehow we kept going, just as we always have.”
For Hakim, continuing the initiative is no longer only about keeping classrooms open. It is about preserving the possibility of choice for a generation of girls whose usual paths through life have largely been closed.
“If a woman decides to change her future, she can do it even invisibly.”
For Laila, who has spent five years fearing that her school might be discovered and that she could be arrested, continuing her education means preserving the possibility of choosing a different future.
For Yalda, that choice has now taken another form: she is giving younger girls the same opportunity that was once given to her.
The schools may be invisible, and the teachers may work in silence, but inside these small classrooms, girls are preparing for a future they do not want an education ban to define for them.
Hakim says the struggle for the basic rights of women and girls does not always require taking to the streets or appearing in front of cameras.
“The struggle for basic human rights can be invisible and secret.”
Five years after girls’ schools were closed, these small classrooms remain open, out of the Taliban’s sight and with the hope that one day girls will no longer need to be invisible simply to learn.
Students To Teachers: Inside Afghanistan’s Invisible Schools
The UN Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) has warned that millions of people in Afghanistan continue to lack reliable access to safe drinking water, calling for stronger efforts to expand water services and protect the country’s increasingly stressed water resources.
UN-Habitat said on Sunday that Afghanistan needs smarter urban planning, better water-resource management and improved waste management to protect water supplies, strengthen sanitation and build healthier communities.
The warning comes as Afghanistan faces overlapping climate and humanitarian pressures. Years of drought have depleted groundwater, while recurrent floods and other climate-related disasters continue to damage livelihoods and infrastructure. UN reporting has described domestic water supplies as facing critical challenges from climate change and rising demand, with about one-third of the population lacking basic drinking-water services.
Kabul faces a particularly serious water crisis. UN-Habitat’s 2026–27 strategic priorities report says the capital is at risk of depleting its groundwater reserves by 2030. The agency also says inadequate waste and wastewater management is creating serious health risks by increasing the likelihood of water- and vector-borne diseases.
UN-Habitat has also warned that drought and underinvestment in urban water management are making access to clean water increasingly difficult and expensive. Its Afghanistan programme says recurrent droughts have degraded rural livelihoods and contributed to migration toward cities, where many vulnerable families live in informal and underserviced settlements.
The pressure on water supplies is also being intensified by large-scale returns of Afghans from neighbouring countries. UN-Habitat says millions of returnees since late 2023 are placing additional pressure on already fragile urban and peri-urban settlements, where access to housing, water, sanitation and other basic services remains limited.
Poor sanitation and inadequate waste management further threaten already limited water resources. UN-Habitat has identified clean drinking water, waste collection and sanitation as pressing needs in vulnerable Afghan communities, particularly in rapidly growing urban areas.
The UN agency says improving access to basic services, including water and waste management, should remain a priority as Afghanistan seeks to strengthen climate resilience and improve living conditions. Without greater investment in water infrastructure and sustainable resource management, the country’s water crisis is likely to deepen as climate pressures and urban populations continue to grow.
UN-Habitat Warns Millions in Afghanistan Lack Safe Drinking Water
For generations, authority within the Afghan family rested with its eldest man, the grandfather or, in his absence, the father or oldest brother. They decided everything from marriage and money to migration and disputes and the rest of the household was bound to obey. That arrangement is loosening. AAN’s Sharif Akram has been looking at how decisions, once taken by a single elder, are now shared, argued over and sometimes overturned by the younger, educated and earning male members of the family and, in a more limited way, by women and children. Taking southeastern Afghan society as his case study and drawing on interviews with tribal elders and educated younger men, he considers the nature of authority within the family, what it used to look like and how and why it is changing. He also asks what the change says about the wider transformation of the Afghan countryside.
A family picnics at Qargha Reservoir on the outskirts of Kabul. Photo: Bulent Kilic/AFP, 26 October 2021
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The men interviewed for this report described a very different world emerging, one in which younger men are more educated, more mobile and more connected to life beyond the village. They have travelled, possibly worked abroad and encountered new ideas through television, the internet and social media. Many now earn and control their own money. All this has changed not only what they know, but their willingness to question decisions by elders that an earlier generation of young Afghan men would have accepted.
The change can be seen in the everyday decisions families make. One young man ignored his grandfather’s insistence that he study medicine and chose computer science instead. Another rejected his father’s demand that he take a government job, borrowed money from a friend and established a successful business importing solar panels. A father in Paktia recalled how, when he forbade his son, who owned a restaurant in Dubai, from buying a car because the family was already in debt, the son simply bought one anyway. “There was nothing I could do,” the father said, “because he’d earned the money.”
Money may indeed be one of the most important drivers of change. Where sons once handed over everything they earned to the head of the household and depended on him for their needs, the relationship has sometimes been reversed. Fathers may now depend on sons working in Dubai, Saudi Arabia or further afield to support the household. As one interviewee put it: “If you have money, you have power.” Education and knowledge matter too, though. The world is a different place from when there was little travel outside the village. Now, in dealing with businesses, government offices and a monied economy, older men may know less well than their sons and grandsons.
The elders, however, have not been completely sidelined. Their judgement still carries particular weight on questions of land, lineage and custom, where experience and accumulated knowledge count. Some elders have also adapted, bringing educated and earning younger men into discussions and listening to their points of view. What is emerging is less a transfer of authority from old to young than a division of it, with different family members carrying weight on different matters. At the same time, the ground on which authority rests is changing – from age and seniority to schooling, knowledge and earning power, from a position a man is given to one he increasingly has to win.
The consequences extend beyond who gets the final say. Elders were more likely to dwell on what had been lost: families are less united, disputes are harder to settle and young men are increasingly inclined to consider themselves their own masters. Even payghor, the public shame that once helped enforce obedience, has lost some of its power because defiance has become too commonplace to mark one household out from another. Younger interviewees saw gains in their ability to question decisions they considered wrong or unjust, including marriages imposed on young people and customs that harmed women and children. Yet, as one interviewee said of the young, who now manage everything for themselves, the change brings a measure of freedom but also a loss they cannot name.
The changes within the family also point to a wider transformation in the Afghan countryside. Land, which for generations was at the centre of Pashtun family life and a foundation of household identity, livelihoods and standing, has lost some of its weight relative to the salaries, businesses and remittances increasingly controlled by younger men. As the economic foundations of the old order have shifted, so too have the relationships and mutual obligations built around them. The result is greater room for individual choice and independence, but also less certainty that family members will act together.
Where this leads is not yet clear. It may settle into a new balance in which the experience of elders and the knowledge and earning power of younger generations complement each other. Or the dispersal of authority may contribute to the weakening of the family and collective life that many of the older interviewees fear. Either way, the fading of one man’s unquestioned rule offers a window onto something larger: a rural society in which inherited duties and hierarchies increasingly have to contend with individual judgement, economic independence and choice.
Edited by Kate Clark and Fabrizio Foschini
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Egeland called on Afghan authorities to allocate more funding to returnees and stressed that the return of migrants should be voluntary, well-prepared and safe.
Jan Egeland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), has said that engagement and investment in Afghanistan are essential to addressing the country’s humanitarian situation.
In an exclusive interview with TOLOnews, Egeland called on the international community to resume direct engagement with Afghan authorities by sending its diplomats back to Afghanistan.
The Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council said: “I urge countries to return to Afghanistan with their diplomats and engage directly with Afghan authorities. I do this myself. I met with Afghan authorities in Kabul and Kandahar, and we discussed all issues, including refugees, internally displaced people and girls’ education. This situation can only be addressed through engagement and investment.”
Referring to the return of nearly six million Afghans from Iran and Pakistan over the past three years, Egeland described it as one of the largest return movements in the world and said these people need greater attention and assistance.
Egeland called on Afghan authorities to allocate more funding to returnees and stressed that the return of migrants should be voluntary, well-prepared and safe.
Egeland said: “One group facing enormous challenges, but receiving little global attention, is the six million people who have returned from Iran and Pakistan over the past three years and their needs. These numbers are significant by global standards. This is one of the largest return movements in the world, and therefore requires greater attention and assistance.”
The NRC Secretary General also expressed concern over the significant decline in international aid to Afghanistan. He said humanitarian assistance, which amounted to nearly $3.5 billion in 2022 and 2023, could fall to only around $500 million this year.
According to Egeland, the United States, which was Afghanistan’s largest donor until 2024, has now stopped its assistance, while European countries have also reduced their support.
Egeland said: “This means there is now a very large gap, part of which could perhaps be filled by domestic resources. Afghanistan has capable businesspeople involved in the mining sector who can export. Afghanistan can do much more for its most vulnerable people, and the international community, which was present here for years and carried out major development programs, should not forget those same civilians.”
Egeland also said that despite reduced financial resources, the Norwegian Refugee Council continues to provide assistance in various sectors.
He added that the number of NRC employees in Afghanistan has fallen from nearly 800 to 350, but the number of people benefiting from the organization’s services has not decreased.
Expressing optimism about Afghanistan’s future, Egeland said cooperation between the international community and Afghan authorities remains essential to improving the lives of millions of Afghans.
Egeland Calls for Engagement and Investment in Afghanistan
The United Nations says aid workers are still in a “race against time” to remove rubble and rebuild after the devastating earthquake struck eastern Afghanistan last month, killing at least 2,200 people and cutting off remote areas.
The 6.0-magnitude quake on Aug. 31 was shallow, destroying or causing extensive damage to low-rise buildings in the mountainous region. It hit late at night, and homes — mostly made of mud, wood, or rocks — collapsed instantly, becoming death traps.
Satellite data shows that about 40,500 truckloads of debris still needs to be cleared from affected areas in several provinces, the United Nations Development Program said Wednesday. Entire communities have been upended and families are sleeping in the open, it added.
The quake’s epicenter was in remote and rugged Kunar province, challenging rescue and relief efforts by the Taliban government and humanitarian groups. Authorities deployed helicopters or airdropped army commandos to evacuate survivors. Aid workers walked for hours on foot to reach isolated communities.
“This is a race against time,” said Devanand Ramiah, from the UNDP’s Crisis Bureau. “Debris removal and reconstruction operations must start safely and swiftly.”
People’s main demands were the reconstruction of houses and water supplies, according to a spokesman for a Taliban government committee tasked with helping survivors, Zia ur Rahman Speenghar.
People were getting assistance in cash, food, tents, beds, and other necessities, Speenghar said Thursday. Three new roads were under construction in the Dewagal Valley, and roads would be built to areas where there previously were none.
“Various countries and organizations have offered assistance in the construction of houses but that takes time. After the second round of assistance, work will begin on the third round, which is considering what kind of houses can be built here,” the spokesman said.
Afghanistan is facing a “perfect storm” of crises, including natural disasters like the recent earthquake, said Roza Otunbayeva, who leads the U.N. mission to the country.
Afghanistan Peace Campaign
A family picnics at Qargha Reservoir on the outskirts of Kabul. Photo: Bulent Kilic/AFP, 26 October 2021