UN says Afghan girls’ education activist arrested in Kabul

By RAHIM FAIEZ

Associated Press

March 28, 2023

ISLAMABAD (AP) — An Afghan rights activist who has campaigned for girls’ education has been arrested in Kabul, the United Nations said on Tuesday.

The U.N. mission in Afghanistan said Matiullah Wesa, founder and president of Pen Path — a local nongovernmental group that travels across Afghanistan with a mobile school and library — was arrested in the Afghan capital on Monday.

Local reports said Taliban security forces detained Wesa after his return from a trip to Europe.

The U.N. urged authorities in Kabul to clarify Wesa’s whereabouts, reasons for his arrest and ensure his access to legal representation and contact with family. There was no immediate word from the Taliban on the arrest.

Since their takeover of Afghanistan, the Taliban have imposed restrictions on women’s and minority rights. Girls are barred from school beyond the sixth grade and last year, the Taliban banned women from going to university.

Wesa’s brother, Attaullah Wesa, said the Taliban forces surrounded their family’s house on Tuesday. They beat up the Wesas’ other two brothers, insulted their mother and confiscated the arrested activist’s mobile phone.

Social media activists later created a hashtag to campaign for Wesa’s release. Many posts condemned his detention and demanded immediate freedom for the activist.Wesa has been outspoken in his demands for girls to have the right to go to school and learn, and has repeatedly called on the Taliban-led government to reverse its bans. His most recent tweets about female education coincided with the start of the new academic year in Afghanistan, with girls remaining shut out of classrooms and campuses.

Wesa and others from the Pen Path launched a door-to-door campaign to promote girls’ education.

“We have been volunteering for 14 years to reach people and convey the message for girls education, Wesa had said in recent posts. “During the past 18 months we campaigned house to house in order to eliminate illiteracy and to end all our miseries,” he added.

The U.N. special rapporteur for human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, said he was alarmed by Wesa’s detention.

“His safety is paramount & all his legal rights must be respected,” Bennett tweeted.

Also Tuesday, Amnesty International raised the alarm about the deterioration of human rights in South Asian countries. In a new report released Tuesday the London-based watchdog also criticized the Taliban for imposing restrictions on women and minority rights since their takeover of Afghanistan in 2021.

Peaceful protesters have faced arbitrary arrests, torture and enforced disappearance while journalists faced arbitrary arrest and detention, as well as torture and other ill-treatment for reporting that was critical of the Taliban, said Amnesty.

“Women have been at the forefront of protests in the region, often challenging patriarchal control over their bodies, lives, choices and sexuality on behalf of the state, society and family,” said Yamini Mishra, the group’s regional director.

The failure of South Asian countries “to uphold gender justice leaves a terrible legacy of suppression, violence and stunted potential,” she added.

Meanwhile, the Islamic State group claimed responsibility for a suicide bombing near the foreign ministry in Kabul the previous day, when six people were killed and about a dozen wounded. It was the second time this year that IS staged an attack near the ministry. In mid-January, the militant group killed five people there and wounded several others.

The regional IS affiliate — known as the Islamic State in Khorasan Province — is a key rival of the Taliban and has frequently targeted Taliban officials and patrols, as well as members of Afghanistan’s Shiite minority.

IS has increased its attacks in Afghanistan since the Taliban takeover.

UN says Afghan girls’ education activist arrested in Kabul
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The Taliban needs to start an intra-Afghan dialogue but with who?

For the past year and a half, the Taliban has taken the international community and the Afghan population on a ride – a ride so wild that it has left its own high-ranking officials dizzy as well. The Taliban government has consistently backtracked on promises and stripped citizens of more and more rights.

The policies it has introduced have been getting progressively worse – each new policy overshadowing the previous one with its grave consequences. Education for girls and women has been gradually restricted, employment for women has been limited, freedom of expression has been violated, dissidents have been detained and tortured and the intelligence directorate has only grown in strength.

The socioeconomic failures and rights violations by the Taliban have naturally attracted the most international attention – and rightly so. But there is another issue that is quite important in which the Taliban has also failed to make any progress: national dialogue and the formation of an inclusive government.

To be inclusive in government is a big ask from an Islamist group that has come to power on the heels of a total military victory. And it is hardly surprising that after the initial conversations with some political groups, the Taliban announced a cabinet excluding all of them.

Since then, there has been little willingness from the Taliban to have any meaningful formal dialogue with other Afghans regarding governing the country. And yet, much of the international community has made inclusivity a condition for the normalisation of relations and recognition of the government.

What is more, a national dialogue will have to take place when the Taliban decides to finally sit down and draft a new constitution. Currently, the country does not have a constitution because the one adopted in 2004, under which the previous regime operated, was suspended after the Taliban takeover. For the constitution-writing process to be legitimate, it would require the inclusion of other political actors.

That said, ongoing efforts from some quarters to push for such a national dialogue by imposing certain individuals or groups on the Taliban to negotiate with have been counterproductive, to say the least.

There have been plenty of bad ideas from the West about who the Taliban should talk to. There have been meetings between Western officials and exiled Afghan warlords in an effort to breathe relevance into them. There has been Western backing for groups like the National Resistance Front, headed by Ahmad Massoud, the son of a late anti-Soviet and anti-Taliban military leader, Ahmad Shah Massoud. His group recently organised a conference in Tajikistan, attended by Western diplomats.

Other prominent Afghans associated with the Afghan Republic have also been busy forming political parties and associations, hoping to attract Western support and eventually a seat at the negotiating table. Among them are Rahmatullah Nabil, former chief of the National Directorate of Security, Hanif Atmar, an ex-foreign minister and a few failed warlords. Most of these “new” political parties and other groupings of Afghans are a mere repackaging of old figures that were central to the failure of the past 20 years.

If the main reason to demand inclusivity is to achieve better representation of the interests of the Afghan population in government, then these individuals and groups are the obviously wrong answer.

A quick glance at Afghanistan’s history over the past 40 years would show how most of those standing in line for an invitation to the national dialogue do not represent the Afghan population. Their participation in coups, the civil war and the failed and corrupt democratic system discredits them.

Even the leaders and parties of the Afghan fight against the Soviets, such as Hezbi Islami, Jamiat Islami, and others, who used to enjoy the support of a large portion of the population, have now lost their legitimacy.

Most of these individuals were eventually given immunity for their past crimes and were given a fresh start at the 2001 Bonn conference where Afghanistan’s post-Taliban government was arranged. In the following 20 years, they joined others in forming a kleptocratic elite and gaining positions of power through electoral fraud. The result was an unstable, inefficient regime which collapsed like a house of cards in the face of the Taliban surge.

One of the blessings of the Taliban takeover was the expulsion of these corrupt politicians and warlords. There is little wisdom in politically resuscitating groups and individuals that have been rejected by the nation and are meeting their natural political deaths.

The international community’s obsession with including those who have never done right by the country distracts us from the very few who did an honourable job inside the country. There are individuals such as former MP Ramazan Bashardost, former MP Syed Selab and Chief Executive of the National Development State Owned Corporation Abdur Rehman Attash, who did not flee the country after the fall of Kabul and continue to serve the country through their public commentary, aid work and governmental positions respectively.

The international community also seems to be ignoring the fact that Afghanistan has all the potential to grow a native, grassroots opposition led by the young generation. Many young people and members of civil society have decided to stay behind and work hard to make a difference. Their efforts should be recognised and they should be given space for growth and development. They are now laying the foundations of forces that the Taliban will eventually have to recognise and engage with.

It should press the Taliban to agree to a national dialogue in principle and let it choose who it will talk to and include in the government. Loose conditions of ethnic and gender inclusion should be made which the Taliban should meet of its own accord. Those that are chosen to be included are unlikely to be given meaningful roles anyways.

It is better to have a national dialogue led by the Taliban with little progress than one with bad apples from the past imposed on it. The latter would just plunge the country back into bottomless corruption, but this time without any international oversight. At the same time, allowing the Taliban to lead the process will give time for an organic opposition to take root in the country so that a true national dialogue can eventually be held and legitimate political processes established in Afghanistan.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The Taliban needs to start an intra-Afghan dialogue but with who?
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Islamabad Calls on Kabul to Take Action Against ‘Terrorist Entities’

The deputy spokesman of the Islamic Emirate, Bilal Karimi, said that there is no threat from Afghan soil toward any country.

Pakistan Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson Mumtaz Zahra Baloch called on the Afghan interim government to take steps against “terrorist entities and to ensure that they do not pose a threat to Pakistani people and Pakistani security forces.”

Speaking at a press conference, Baloch said they are in “contact with the Afghan interim authorities on security and counter-terrorism matters including our concerns regarding terrorist entities which have hideouts in Afghanistan.”

“We expect the Afghan authorities to take action against these terrorist entities and to ensure that they do not pose a threat to Pakistani people and Pakistani security forces,” she said.

“There is a possibility that Pakistan is not sure about the promises, steps or remarks of the Islamic Emirate. Or it has not been ensured and therefore, it has been repeating such comments,” said Tahir Khan, a Pakistani journalist.

The deputy spokesman of the Islamic Emirate, Bilal Karimi, said that there is no threat from Afghan soil toward any country.

“Peace and security have been ensured all over the country. There is no such group to make threats from this country to other countries. There is no evidence in this regard and the Islamic Emirate does not allow Afghan territory to be used against other countries,” Karimi said.

“If Pakistan really wants to solve problems in this region, all of these problems that exist against Afghanistan and Pakistan should be addressed jointly,” said Mohammad Hassan Haqyar, a political analyst.

Nearly one month ago, a senior delegation from Pakistan, led by the country’s Defense Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif, visited Kabul and met with several top Islamic Emirate officials.

The Islamic Emirate’s spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid said that a delegation from Afghanistan will travel to Pakistan to discuss the economic and political issues with the country’s officials.

“Whenever their delegation comes to Afghanistan, this side also promises to send a delegation, comprised of officials, who will visit Pakistan to fully discuss political and trade issues. The time for their travel will be determined later,” he said.

Islamabad Calls on Kabul to Take Action Against ‘Terrorist Entities’
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McCaul Gives Monday Deadline to Blinken in Afghan Subpoena Threat

Previously, Vedant Patel, principal deputy spokesperson of the US State Department, said that the department is committed to cooperate with the committee’s work.

The Republican chairman of the US House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee on Thursday gave the State Department until Monday to produce documents related to the August 2021 US withdrawal from Afghanistan or face a subpoena.

“I have the subpoena. it’s right here. And I’m prepared to serve this. We had discussions and I think as a federal prosecutor you want to work things out but when you can’t, you have to go forward with the subpoena, and arrest warrant and indictment. So, sir, I’m going to give you until of close of business on Monday…,” Representative Michael McCaul told Secretary of State Antony Blinken as he testified to the committee about the department’s budget request.

Earlier, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that he will provide this information to the committee by mid-April.

Analysts have different views on the departure of foreign troops from Afghanistan.

“One of the major contributing elements was the fact that Americans and other foreigners in general were sick of the war in Afghanistan and no longer wanted to remain here. The deal was quickly signed and they departed Afghanistan as a result,” said Wahid Faqiri, a political analyst.

“The proof of the irresponsibility of America’s departure from the war in Afghanistan is the fall of the system, sovereignty, and administration, and notably the fall of a 300,000-member national army,” said Wais Nasiri, another political analyst.

Previously, Vedant Patel, principal deputy spokesperson of the US State Department, said that the department is committed to cooperate with the committee’s work. And we have since provided hundreds of pages of documents responsive to the chairman’s request regarding Afghanistan, and we will continue to do so.

McCaul Gives Monday Deadline to Blinken in Afghan Subpoena Threat
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Calls Mount to Reopen Afghan Schools for Girls

Several Kabul and Khost residents asked the Islamic Emirate to comply with the people’s demand to open schools for girls.

Female students in Kabul said on the opening day of the 1402 academic year that they once again felt hopeless as a result of the closing of their schools.

They asked the Islamic Emirate to reopen girls’ schools above sixth grade across the country.

Maryam, who was waiting for the schools to open along with thousands other students, said: “Why are schools closed to girls? When there is no female doctor, a woman should go to a male doctor?”

“Today is the day of despair for us. We were waiting to go to school on this day, but we were not allowed to go to school,” Sadaf, a student told TOLOnews.

“Today, I have a very bad feeling, because I could not go to school. When I see someone go to school, I feel bad that why I cannot go,” Amina, another student in Kabul said.

Meanwhile, male students are asking the current government to allow girls to be educated as well.

“We went to school, it was great. One thing that made me sad was that girls’ schools did not open,” said Faizullah, a student.

“We ask the Islamic Emirate to reopen girls’ schools because girls also have a right to education, so they serve their country,” said Rouhullah, a student.

Several Kabul and Khost residents asked the Islamic Emirate to comply with the people’s demand to open schools for girls.

“This is the demand of all the people and serious attention should be paid to these demands,” said Haji Adam Khan, a tribal elder of Khost.

“Girls’ schools should be opened so that we have a bright future,” said Mohammad Hossein, a resident of Kabul.

Earlier, the head of the security department in Parwan, Azizullah Omar, told TOLOnews that schools for female students will reopen soon after the work on the curriculum is finished.

“There is no problem about the start of schooling. There is only a problem in the curriculum. And therefore, a committee has been formed for its reform. After the confirmation of the clerics, the schools will start,” he said.

Calls Mount to Reopen Afghan Schools for Girls
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Taliban want control of more Afghan diplomatic missions

Associated Press

25 March 2023

ISLAMABAD (AP) — The Taliban government is trying to take charge of more Afghan embassies abroad, a spokesman said Saturday, amid their continued international isolation because of restrictions on women and girls.

The Taliban initially promised a more moderate rule after their takeover in August 2021, but instead imposed sweeping bans and other measures curtailing basic freedoms.

The U.N. and foreign governments have fiercely condemned the restrictions on female education and employment, and the international community remains wary of officially recognizing the Taliban, although some countries retain an active diplomatic mission in Afghanistan, including Pakistan, Turkey, Qatar, and China.

“The Islamic Emirate has sent diplomats to at least 14 countries and efforts are underway to take charge of other diplomatic missions abroad,” the government’s main spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said in a video. “Diplomats of the former government are continuing their activities in coordination with the Foreign Ministry.”

The administration has sent its diplomats to Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, Russia, China, Kazakhstan and other Arab and African countries, according to Mujahid. He gave no further details.In February, authorities handed over control of Afghanistan’s embassy in Tehran to envoys of the Taliban government. It was previously staffed by envoys from the former U.S.-backed Afghan government.

The deputy spokesman for the government, Bilal Karimi, was unable to immediately provide figures on how many Afghan diplomatic missions are active overseas or how many the administration has taken charge of since August 2021.

“There are many embassies abroad. The Islamic Emirate wants to have diplomatic relations with all countries and move forward with good interactions,” he told The Associated Press. “It is our hope that embassies will be opened in all countries as soon as official relations begin with the Islamic Emirate.”

The Foreign Ministry spokesman did not respond to the AP’s questions on embassies.

In January, the highest-ranking woman at the United Nations, Amina Mohammed, said the Taliban want international recognition and Afghanistan’s U.N. seat, which is currently held by the former government led by Ashraf Ghani.

“Recognition is one leverage that we have and we should hold on to,” she said, after meeting Taliban ministers in Kabul and Kandahar to try to reverse their crackdowns on women and girls.

They have banned girls from middle school, high school and university and banned women from most fields of employment, including at nongovernmental groups. Women have also been ordered to wear head-to-toe clothing in public and are barred from parks and gyms.

Schools reopened for the new academic year last week without teenage girls, more than 18 months after the ban on secondary education came into effect.

Universities reopened after the winter break in early March without their female students, and the ban on NGO work is still in place, although some aid agencies have partially resumed their activities through exemptions.

Jan Egeland, the secretary-general of the Norwegian Refugee Council, said Friday that more than three months have passed since the “intolerable ban” on female aid workers in Afghanistan. “We have made some local progress, allowing women’s return to work, but still await national permits.”

Taliban want control of more Afghan diplomatic missions
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Islamic Emirate Has Diplomats in 14 World Countries: Mujahid

Some political analysts believe that the fate of Afghanistan’s diplomatic missions abroad will not be clarified until the Islamic Emirate is recognized.

The Islamic Emirate has sent diplomats to at least 14 countries, a spokesman said, adding that efforts are underway to take charge of other diplomatic missions abroad.

The Islamic Emirate’s spokesman, Zabiullah Mujahid, said that diplomats of the former government are continuing their activities in coordination with the Foreign Ministry.

“There could be some of them (diplomats) who have not been in contact with us, or they didn’t want to be in contact with us; anyway, they are the people who do not represent any side. But the diplomats are in contact with the Foreign Ministry. They represent the Islamic Emirate and the people of Afghanistan,” he said.

However, some diplomats of the former government who are in charge of Afghanistan’s diplomatic missions said that they do not have official relations with Kabul due to a lack of adherence to international norms by the Islamic Emirate.

“Some of them are influenced by the political situation in the country and they were forced to cooperate with the Taliban. Some of the embassies that are in Europe and the US, they indeed changed their course,” said Mehdi Minadi, a former diplomat.

“Regarding the institutions that are officially active or were active, the embassies and diplomatic missions, the Foreign Ministry… did not take immediate action over them to assess the situation of the embassies and political missions abroad,” said Mirwais Ghiasi, a former diplomat.

“There is no official contact with the Kabul department. One of the main goals of the embassy is to provide consulate services very transparently and normally to citizens,” said Ahmad Khalid Akbar, the diplomat of Afghanistan’s embassy in Rome.

However, some political analysts believe that the fate of Afghanistan’s diplomatic missions abroad will not be clarified until the Islamic Emirate is recognized.

“The diplomats that are in Western countries–they are conducting consulate services for the Afghan refugees in these countries. This is a convenience but they should release their incomes transparently,” said Toreq Farhadi, political analyst.

According to the Islamic Emirate, its diplomats are in Tehran, Istanbul, Islamabad, Dubai, Kremlin, Beijing and Kazakhstan as well as some other Arabic and African countries.

Islamic Emirate Has Diplomats in 14 World Countries: Mujahid
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GOP threatens to subpoena State Dept. for classified Afghanistan cable

The chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Thursday threatened to subpoena the State Department over documents related to the Biden administration’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, raising the stakes in America’s ongoing reckoning over its chaotic exit in 2021.

Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Tex.) gave Secretary of State Antony Blinken until Monday evening to provide the committee with a cable written by diplomats at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul expressing urgent concerns about deteriorating security before the U.S.-backed government there collapsed and ceded the country to the Taliban. The July 13, 2021, communication was sent via a special “dissent channel” that allows State Department officials to issue warnings or express contrarian views directly to senior agency officials.

“We need this dissent cable, and I think the American people deserve to see it, to know what in the world was going on in those critical weeks,” McCaul told Blinken during a hearing on the State Department budget. “I have the subpoena. It’s right here, and I’m prepared to serve this.”

McCaul, who before becoming committee chairman oversaw a 2022 Republican report on the events surrounding the withdrawal, has requested a number of documents related to the tumultuous U.S. departure, which included the evacuation of more than 100,000 civilians and a suicide bombing that killed 13 U.S. service members and an estimated 170 Afghans. Those events and the Taliban’s ascendancy marked an ignominious end to the two-decade U.S. struggle in Afghanistan.

The State Department has provided lawmakers with some, but not all, of the requested documents — Blinken referenced “thousands of pages” from one report alone. He told McCaul that the State Department would submit an internal after-action report in the coming weeks, but he put the dissent cable in a different category.

“It is vital to me that we preserve the integrity of that process and of that channel, that we not take any steps that could have a chilling effect on the willingness of others to come forward in the future, to express dissenting views on the policies that are being pursued,” Blinken said, emphasizing a desire to protect the identities of those who submit such messages.

Blinken said the agency was ready to provide “relevant information” from the cable to lawmakers in a briefing or another forum.

“I hope we can find a way to do it that meets both of our needs,” he said.

Rep. Gregory W. Meeks (D-N.Y.), a Democrat who headed the committee until Republicans took the House majority earlier this year, said he also had requested the cable, which is classified. But he said he understood the desire to avoid discouraging employees from using the dissent channel in the future.

“I hope the department works to accommodate this congressional request because I think the substance that is in the cable is tremendously important for members of this committee to know and if we do it in a classified session,” he said.

Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.) cautioned Blinken against providing heavily redacted documents to the committee. Another Republican lawmaker, Rep. Tim Burchett (Tenn.), showed the committee a page, fully black with redactions, that he said was taken from one of the administration’s submitted documents.

“I might suggest to you after our mutual many years of doing this, that your best choice is accommodation when appropriate, compliance when a subpoena comes, which means that this sort of redaction cannot and shall not be accepted by Congress once a subpoena is issued,” Issa said.

He urged Blinken to make sure the committee “won’t be getting what I sometimes call a black cow eating a licorice at midnight.”

Fallout over the evacuation has persisted for the Biden administration, with newly emboldened House Republicans vowing accountability for miscalculations and mistakes made as the Taliban roared back into power two years ago. McCaul has said he plans to hold series of hearings intended to unearth more detail about the decision-making leading up to the operation and as it transpired over those two weeks in August 2021.

At a hearing earlier this month, a group of current and former military personnel who helped rescue the United States’ Afghan allies decried the chaos, telling lawmakers in sometimes tearful testimony of the emotional toll the experience has taken on them. Some laid blame squarely on the Biden administration.

“The withdrawal was a catastrophe, in my opinion, and there was an inexcusable lack of accountability and negligence,” Sgt. Tyler Vargas-Andrews, a Marine who lost an arm, a leg and a kidney in the suicide bombing, told the committee.

Appearing on Thursday on Capitol Hill to discuss the Pentagon’s budget request for next year, Gen. Mark A. Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, demurred when asked about blame for errors made during the war’s closing weeks, instead declaring the withdrawal a “strategic failure.”

“There’s a lot of lessons to be learned, and all of us are learning those lessons,” Milley said.

“I can think of no greater tragedy than what happened at Abbey Gate,” he added, referring to the location of the suicide bombing, “and I have to fully reconcile myself to that entire affair.”

GOP threatens to subpoena State Dept. for classified Afghanistan cable
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In Afghanistan, women and girls are being erased

I was standing in the arrivals hall at Kigali International Airport in Rwanda this month, waiting for an Afghan girl and thinking about the days that brought the two of us here.

March 23rd marks one year since the Taliban decreed that Afghan girls don’t need to be educated past sixth grade. One year since they closed the doors of schools in the faces of an estimated 3 million girls, though of course these girls have been out of school much longer than that, really ever since the Taliban took power.

In 2001, when the Taliban’s first regime fell, there was officially not a single girl in elementary school and only a handful in secondary school — that’s in the entire nation of Afghanistan. Less than 20 years later, we had 3.6 million girls enrolled in primary and secondary school, and around 90,000 in higher education.

All of it is gone. Live in silence now behind the walls of your home, the Taliban say to women and girls. Live a ghost life.

In that airport terminal, I was waiting for a 12-year-old girl, a new student at SOLA, my Afghan girls’ boarding school. She was en route to Rwanda from an Afghan community in exile, one of many such girls who have arrived in March thanks to a continuing partnership between SOLA (or School of Leadership Afghanistan) and the U.N.’s International Organization for Migration (IOM).

This girl, like every Afghan girl who refuses to give up on her education, had two choices: go overseas or go underground. Become a refugee from Afghanistan or, effectively, become a criminal within Afghanistan. Pursue the limited educational opportunities open to refugees, or pursue them in our homeland and hope the Taliban never find out.

In Kabul and across Afghanistan, the secret schools are opening again, with girls coming to learn from women who may never have been teachers before, but who now quite literally risk their lives to beat the darkness back.

“To bring a sense of humanity,” one of these teachers said to me, “we share our knowledge.”

I studied with women just like her, when I was a girl attending secret schools in the 1990s under the Taliban. We, who were girls then, are women now, and we are the inheritors of bravery that we pass on to today’s girls. A generational sisterhood holding flames, each of us a light in the dark, and a signal to each other.

And then there she was. My new student, a girl walking through the airport terminal with her female IOM chaperone, and pulling her suitcase on wheels. This suitcase.

The suitcase of one of Shabana Basij-Rasikh’s new students. (Shabana Basij-Rasikh) (Photo by Shabana Basij-Rasikh)

It can feel distant to a global audience, the struggle of Afghan girls. It can be easy for policymakers and private citizens to want to look elsewhere, or to want to focus on the perceived political gains or risks of reminding voters of the horror of Kabul’s fall in August 2021. Or to simply imagine that the problem is too intractable, the need too great, the damage too deep, the Taliban simply too immune to the pressure of global public protest.

That night, after coming home from the airport, I spoke with this girl’s mother. I told her that her daughter is with us at SOLA now, that she arrived safely and that we’ll take care of her.

This Afghan mother, this woman who sent her 12-year-old child to a school in a nation neither of them had ever seen — this woman asked me: “What can I do for other Afghan girls now? Tell me how I can help these girls be where my daughter is.”

When our new students arrive at SOLA’s campus, they quarantine for several days for health screenings. When quarantine ends and they come out to meet their sister students, they find me and they ask, they always ask: “When does the next admissions season begin? What can we do to help more girls come here?”

It’s with pride that I say that SOLA’s new admissions season is opening today. It’s with sadness too, and with anger. We’re one of a vanishingly small number of options available for Afghan girls.

I look to the future in Afghanistan and see three paths: the Taliban can maintain the unforgivable status quo of vanished women and no girls’ education past 6th grade. They can roll back these restrictions and let women be citizens whose contributions to society, which, measured purely economically, is worth billions of dollars to Afghanistan’s economy. Or they can bring my country back to the 1990s, when girls education was outlawed.

I can’t foretell the future, but I can easily anticipate girls’ education being used as leverage for international legitimacy. Basic women’s rights, used as barter — and perhaps not just by the Taliban. It horrifies me.

But hope lives. It lives in Afghan mothers. It lives in the women leading the secret schools. It lives in an Afghan girl pulling her suitcase through a foreign airport.

And it lives in this Afghan girl too — a different girl, at a different airport.

One of Shabana Basij-Rasikh’s new students asleep on an airport floor, with a novel beside her. (Shabana Basij-Rasikh) (Photo by Shabana Basij-Rasikh)

I took this picture in Qatar, back in the summer of 2021, at the midpoint of SOLA’s departure from Afghanistan and its arrival in Rwanda.

It’s one of my students, a girl asleep on an airport floor, with a novel beside her.

This is what we left home to protect. A girl with the right to read, and to learn, and to have the freedom to grow into an educated woman who will teach other girls.

A girl who chooses to think for herself is a force like none other on Earth. She is a member of a global sisterhood of the brightest light.

And so today and every day, as Afghans and as women, we claim the dignity no darkness can eclipse.

Shabana Basij-Rasikh, a Washington Post Global Opinions contributing columnist, is co-founder and president of the School of Leadership, Afghanistan
In Afghanistan, women and girls are being erased
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Simple Pleasures Amidst Great Frustrations: An essentially outlawed Nawruz in Taleban-ruled Afghanistan

S Reza Kazemi • Sayed Asadullah Sadat

Afghanistan Analysts Network

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The second Nawruz, the first day of the spring and the new solar hejri year, after the Taleban’s return to power comes in an overwhelmingly frustrating atmosphere and appears even more lacklustre than the previous one. The Taleban have effectively banned it as a holiday and public celebration. A host of other crippling challenges such as severe economic hardships and women’s and girls’ exclusion from the public sphere have further dampened any remaining wishes to celebrate what was a tremendously popular spring festival all over the country. Despite daunting frustrations, at least some people will find simple pleasures at home by shaking the dust of winter from their houses, planting flowers and saplings, preparing special delicacies, visiting relatives and friends, and celebrating not only Nawruz but also the coming month of fasting, Ramadan. Guest author Said Reza Kazemi and AAN’s Sayed Asadullah Sadat hear from five women and four men from across the country about these little joys intermingled with great frustrations, which are another reminder of the profound resilience that is the hallmark of people in Afghanistan.

Nawruz, or New Day, which coincides with the first day of spring and the start of the solar hejri year, is an ancient tradition long celebrated in Afghanistan (see AAN report on the history of Nawruz here). In the approach to Afghanistan’s second Nawruz under Taleban rule, we wanted to find out if and how people from across the country plan to mark the occasion. This report is based on unstructured interviews with nine people from across Afghanistan – five women and four men between the ages of 26 and 63 –  and provides poignant insights into their feelings and experiences for their second new year living under Taleban rule. Their moving responses reveal not only the endurance of joy amid overwhelming disappointments but also the Afghan people’s deep conviviality and humanity.

Nawruz 1402: A lacklustre celebration

“The Nawruz atmosphere is even more diminished than it was last year.” This sentiment expressed by a 32-year old woman we spoke to in Nili, the centre of Daikundi province in central Afghanistan, was echoed by everyone we spoke to about the coming Nawruz.[1] This year “isn’t like previous ones [before the Taleban return to power],” a woman we spoke to in Mazar-e Sharif, the traditional epicentre of Nawruz celebration, told AAN. People from all over Afghanistan used to travel to Mazar in northern Afghanistan for the Janda Bala (flag hoisting) ceremony which was traditionally held at the city’s Rawza-ye Mubarak Shrine, but the Taleban cancelled it last year, a few months after they came to power. “In the past, the city was bustling in these days. People would come here from every corner of Afghanistan [to celebrate Nawruz]. There’s no such thing this year… In the nights around Nawruz, the youth would roam around, playing music, singing and dancing on the streets,” she said. Other people we spoke to had shared smiliar stories, such as a 38-year old woman in Paktia who told us about Nawruz celebrations in Gardez city, the centre of this south-eastern province: “[Before the fall of the Republic] the state and civic activists organised colourful celebrations. They strung up lights in Gardez city, the bazaar was bustling and people bought dried fruit and other things for Nawruz. There were concerts and people went [for picnics] to green areas with their families. The youth danced the atan [traditional dance] and sang. They cooked their food in the open air. In the past, the youth, families and even we the teachers went to picnics, but there are no such things this year.”

One key reason is that the Taleban practically outlawed Nawruz after their return to power some one year and seven months ago. First, by removing Nawruz as a public holiday, which means that the state and its numerous institutions must remain open, making it tricky for civil servants to justify taking the day off work for Nawruz. Second, by forbidding public ceremonies to celebrate Nawruz. The 63-year-old man in Kandahar city, for instance, spoke movingly about the sorrow he felt from this ban on customary celebrations at the shrines in Kandahar province, as did the woman in Nili who lamented the ban on celebrations during the blooming of almond trees in Daikundi province, where she took a very active part in organising the popular Jashn-e Gul-e Badam (Almond Blossom Festival).

The effective outlawing of Nawruz emanates from the belief by the Taleban that because Nawruz is a pre- and un-Islamic tradition, it must not be celebrated and must have no place in Afghanistan’s society.[2] As such, the Taleban do not recognise Nawruz at all, neither as the beginning of the solar hejri calendar year nor as the first day of the spring. The new solar hejri calendar year 1402, which is the most commonly used calendar across the country, falls within the lunar hejri calendar years 1444/1445 and the Georgian calendar years 2023/2024. When top officials of the Islamic Emirate launched a second sapling-planting campaign on 5 March 2023 under the motto “piruzi wa taraqqi” (“victory and progress”) as they did around this time last year under the motto “nahal-e azadi” (“sapling of freedom”), they referred to the coming of the season of the spring as the occasion for the planting campaign, not to the approaching Nawruz. Furthermore, Nawruz had already been dropped as an occasion for celebration from the Islamic Emirate’s official calendar (taqwim-e rasmi).[3] Our interviewee from the northern city of Sheberghan, the centre of Jawzjan province, spoke about how pro-Taleban and like-minded muftis and mullahs have propagated the idea of Nawruz being ‘un-Islamic’ and thus forbidden it over the years in the province.[4]

A vendor selling plants, Kabul city, Kabul province. Photo: Sayed Asadullah Sadat, 15 March 2023.

The prohibition on public Nawruz celebrations is not the only reason for the diminished festive spirit in Afghanistan, where people have been experiencing a host of other crippling challenges. The Emirate’s restrictions on the participation of women in the public sphere make it difficult and dispiriting for women even as part of families to go out for picnics for Nawruz. This has increasingly turned picnics into not only all-male affairs but also occasions for state intervention and surveillance. All our interviewees were unanimous in saying that women and families generally preferred not to celebrate Nawruz with picnics because they “are afraid of being harassed or of facing some inappropriate treatment by those now in charge,” as the woman from  from Nili city put it. “People are fearful. They think that if they have some plan to celebrate the new year, they might face threats or dangers. For this reason, no one dares to have such a plan,” echoed the interviewee from Ahmadabad district of Paktia. The 38-year-old man we spoke to in Sheberghan, Jawzjan province said that when he and his colleagues went on a Friday picnic recently, they “didn’t see a single family going out to have fun on our way from Sheberghan city to Qush Tepa district. It was all young men coming on their motorcycles or in their cars.” The interviewee from Kandahar city said that a city park had been allocated to women visitors only for one day a week and that those “people who have land and garden [of their own], they’ll go there [to their own property to celebrate Nawruz] with their families.” In Kabul, we spoke to a 28-year-old woman who recalled the times when women and girls went to picnics along with their families in parks and green hills around Nawruz fondly, but said sorrowfully that “[now] women don’t have the permission even to breathe.”

Another woman, a 28-year-old from Herat city in the north-west, said:

Going on picnics on Fridays [around Nawruz] has become less frequent. Few families go out to enjoy the coming of the spring. Those who go are all men. Women don’t go. It’s because there are now restrictions for women to go on a picnic. They can’t speak and laugh. Hijab has also become strict.

The economic crisis has also dampened the Nawruz spirit. Many families are struggling to find their daily food, never mind buying new clothes or other things from the bazaar. “There are families who have nothing to eat. We have neighbours who struggle hard to make a meagre living. People were forced to sell whatever they had. Many people sold their houses and other possessions to buy food,” the interviewee from Kabul city described poignantly.

A 45-year-old man from Jurm district of Afghanistan’s north-easternmost province, Badakhshan, said:

Poverty and unemployment are problems that have taken the Nawruz spirit from the people. People are in need of their food for the day. Currently there are people who have to borrow their food such as tea, flour and rice so that their families don’t go hungry. They borrow and they barter, because people have run out of cash. When they borrow, they do so at an interest, sometimes returning double [the amount borrowed] to the shopkeeper. When they get one kilo of something, they must return two kilos later. People live their lives with great difficulty. The dignity and splendour of the past are all gone this year.

The deteriorating poverty is exacerbated by the Taleban ban on women work, for example, in national and international non-governmental organisations, which is affecting household economies and the lives of women and their families across the country. Added to this is a growing frustration and a sense of foreboding about whether girls above grade 6 will be allowed to go back to school and female students to university in the new year. The woman from Nili city summed up these debilitating difficulties:

Right now, poverty reigns in the neighbourhood, city and province I live in. Few families can celebrate Nawruz. Most simply can’t afford it. They have almost no spirit of Nawruz this year. Nawruz meant the opening of schools for all, girls in particular. It was like having two festivals: Nawruz and going back to school. Families whose daughters are in grade 6 or 5 or even 4 are anxious and worried about the future of their daughters. Girls above grade 6 don’t have permission to go to school at all. The families who have such school-going girls [above grade 6] have lost this simple joy of seeing their daughters go back to school and the others are worried about the future of their daughters. 

The ban on women working has created many problems. In Nili and in Daikundi overall, many women worked for NGOs and they had become the breadwinners and supporters of their families. These women have now lost their jobs and their incomes. This has not only impacted Nawruz celebrations but also the overall lives of these women and their families.

Nevertheless, almost all our interviewees said that at least some people would celebrate Nawruz, mostly at home. They referred to routine activities for this period of the year that they would undertake anyway, such as completely tidying up one’s house by cleaning and washing carpets and curtains, planting saplings and flowers; arranging courtyards and gardens; and, also, visiting relatives and friends as they would do at any other Nawruz. Those who could afford would also be preparing delights at or around Nawruz, such as haft miwa (a mixture of seven fruits soaked in water some days before Nawruz) or special rice dishes such as landi palaw (dried mutton with rice) in Kandahar city or sabzi palaw (herbed rice) in Mazar-e Sharif. Women take a leading role in planning all these preparations around the time of Nawruz.

There will therefore certainly be simple pleasures amidst great frustrations: “[a] small celebration at home,” in the words of the interviewee from Nili city, and “[celebrating] local Nawruz traditions inside … houses and gardens,” in the words of the interviewee from Kandahar city. “My son is engaged. We’ve bought something for Nawruz and we’ll take it in the coming week. In the days of Nawruz, families whose sons are engaged take fish dishes and sweets to the families of their daughters-in-law. Currently fish-cooking and confectionery shops are bustling in the bazaar. Although we make our sweets ourselves at home, there are some people who buy from the bazaar,” said the interviewee from Jurm district. “We have a saying here: start the year happily and then you’re happy the whole year!” summed up a man from Nawmish district of Helmand province to whom we spoke.

Goldfish, a traditional symbol of Nawruz, are sold on handcarts, Kabul city, Kabul province. Photo: Sayed Asadullah Sadat, 15 March 2023.

Additionally, this year’s Nawruz coincides with the fasting month of Ramadan, which also brings with it a host of special traditions. The start of Ramadan, the ninth month of the lunar hejri calendar, falls most probably two days after Nawruz in the new solar hejri year. Several of our interviewees, mostly female, even in contrast to Nawruz, expressed the coming of Ramadan as “a good feeling” as they and their families would coordinate an entire month collectively, especially by planning and preparing the sahri and eftari dishes that mark the start and end of fasting for the day. “… [For] Ramadan … we prepare apple jam and aloo Bukhara (plum jam] for sahri. Padar janam [my dear dad] eats nothing else for sahri,” the interviewee from Kabul city said happily. The interviewee from Jurm district said, “I’m happy about the coming of Ramadan. It’s a month of goodness and blessing. I hope that the blessed month of Ramadan brings some light, some good changes, so that people’s living conditions improve and that we get out of this plight.” The interviewee from Ahmadabad district, her teacher colleagues and other women from her area had even found a way to celebrate the coming of Ramadan together with Nawruz in a traditional women-only event at school:

… other teachers and I plan to hold a ceremony to celebrate both Nawruz and Ramadan. One day before the beginning of Ramadan, the women in our area prepare a special food and enjoy it in an event attended by women only. It’s like mehmanwari [invitation party] that we call da rana khwara [‘food of light’]. Every year, one day before Ramadan starts, the women gather in one house, prepare this food and enjoy it together. It’s a tradition from the past. We want to celebrate it this year at school.

Although some interviewees said they had no idea what the new year would bring them, others saw in the coming Nawruz and Ramadan the possibility for tranquillity, peace, and a year less “disappointing” than the previous one, especially for girls and women. “I take the new year and the new spring as a good omen for calm and peace all over the country,” said the interviewee from Mazar-e Sharif. The interviewee from Kabul city hoped that “with the coming of the blessed month of Ramadan… all regain their access to their rights and that we get out of this plight and darkness.” The interviewee from Ahmadabad district said:

I hope that with the coming of the new year and the blessed month of Ramadan, there’ll be permanent peace in the country and that the doors of schools and universities reopen on girls and women. Every girl, every woman has hopes of her own. I hope that the new year won’t be another disappointing year for Afghan girls and women.

As a time-tested tradition that has endured over centuries and indeed millennia, it is unimaginable that the Taleban, no matter how long the second Islamic Emirate will last, will be able to universally ban and completely eliminate Nawruz and its manifestations in Afghanistan.

We at AAN wish everyone celebrating a happy Nawruz, a generous Ramadan and peace and prosperity for all Afghans in the new year, 1402.

Edited by Fabrizio Foschini and Roxanna Shapour


The transcripts of our interviews with the men and women who spoke to us about their feelings and plans for the 1402 Nawruz, Ramadan and the coming year is in the annex below. You can preview it online and download it by clicking the link below.

 


 

References
↑1 For last year’s Nawruz, the first after the Taleban return to power, see AAN’s report ‘Marking a New Century in Afghanistan: Nawruz 1401’.
↑2 Read the Taleban’s full justification of Nawruz celebration as “an act contravening the sharia” in: Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, “tajlil-e ruz-e awwal-e hamal ba nam-e nawruz amal-e khalaf-e shar’ mibashad [celebrating the first day of Hamal in the name of Nawruz is an act contravening the sharia],” Directorate of Guidance and Mosque Coordination, Ministry of Guidance, Hajj and Endowment, 17 March 2023.
↑3 In this year’s version of the official calendar of the Islamic Emirate, the Taleban have removed all days significant to the collapsed Islamic Republic (for example, constitution day and national flag day). Instead they have added days important to the Islamic Emirate, but have not gone so far as making them public holidays (for instance, allegiance and death days of their founder Mullah Muhammad Omar, death day of their previous supreme leader Mullah Akhtar Muhammad Mansur, day of the US and NATO withdrawal from the country, day of the signing of the Doha accord between Taleban and the US and day of the fall of Kabul) (watch this media report of 12 March 2023).
↑4 The debate on whether Nawruz is Islamic is not new (for a similar controversy in the early 2010s, see this previous AAN report; for a background on Nawruz in history and in Afghanistan, see this previous AAN report on Nawruz in March 2021).

Simple Pleasures Amidst Great Frustrations: An essentially outlawed Nawruz in Taleban-ruled Afghanistan
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