US State Dept Reaffirms Decision to Withdraw from Afghanistan

Vedant Patel, Deputy Spokesperson for the US State Department, defended President Biden’s decision to withdraw from Afghanistan during a press briefing.

The US Department of State, in response to a report by the House Foreign Affairs Committee regarding the withdrawal from Afghanistan, stated that although ending America’s longest war was not easy, it was a necessary action.

Vedant Patel, Deputy Spokesperson for the US State Department, defended President Biden’s decision to withdraw from Afghanistan during a press briefing.

The Deputy Spokesperson told reporters: “when President Biden took office, he was faced with a choice: ramp up the war in Afghanistan and put more American troops at risk or finally end our involvement in America’s longest war after two decades of American president sending troops to fight and die in Afghanistan. we are stronger today because of this decision that President Biden made. The one that he made was the right one.”

Meanwhile, John Kirby, US National Security Council spokesman, described the House Foreign Affairs Committee’s report as one-sided and said that it has nothing new to offer.

Kirby said: “We’ve already issued comments about the one-sided, partisan nature of this report, so I’m not going to belabor that right now, but I do think a brief rundown of actual facts is important. First, on the very day this administration took office, the Taliban was in the strongest position it had been in years, and the Afghan government the weakest. The Trump administration cut a deal called the Doha Agreement that mandated a complete US withdrawal from Afghanistan.”

Idris Mohammadi Zazi, a political analyst, said: “The positive aspect was that Afghanistan became free and independent, and a central government was handed over to the Islamic Emirate.”

Earlier, CBS News reported that Republicans on the House Foreign Affairs Committee have accused the Biden administration of misleading public opinion regarding the chaotic US withdrawal from Afghanistan. The report also accused Zalmay Khalilzad of weakening the previous Afghan government by sidelining it from negotiations.

US State Dept Reaffirms Decision to Withdraw from Afghanistan
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Afghanistan After 9/11: Two Decades of Intervention and Aftermath

The twenty-year presence of the United States in Afghanistan was also costly for Washington.

September 11 was a significant global event that had extensive economic, political, and security repercussions for Afghanistan. 

After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States and NATO member countries sent their military and economic forces to Afghanistan. The United States and its allies invaded Afghanistan in 2001 under the banner of fighting terrorism and narcotics. This invasion led to the fall of the first rule of the Islamic Emirate and marked the beginning of a new era in Afghanistan’s political history.

Salim Paigir, a political analyst, said: “During the twenty years after the September 11 attacks, the Americans even used the Mother of All Bombs in Afghanistan. The Americans achieved no success in Afghanistan, and they failed in all three of their objectives—fighting terrorism, fighting narcotics, and state-building.”

Despite these international efforts, Afghanistan continued to face serious security and economic challenges. In the twenty years following September 11, Afghanistan witnessed the influx of billions of dollars in financial aid from the international community.

Sayad Akbar Sial Wardak, a political analyst, told TOLOnews: “The Islamic regime that existed was overthrown by the international community, and another system based on democratic values emerged in Afghanistan, bringing about significant changes in political, economic, and other sectors.”

The twenty-year presence of the United States in Afghanistan was also costly for Washington. Nearly 2,460 American soldiers were killed, and over 21,000 others were wounded.

Abdul Zuhoor Mudaber, an economic analyst, commented: “It is said that around four trillion dollars flowed into Afghanistan; however, unfortunately, it was not spent on a productive economy but rather on a consumptive one.”

Now, twenty-three years after the events of September 11 that led to the US invasion of Afghanistan, the Islamic Emirate has once again taken power in the country, with over three years passing since its re-establishment. Despite expanding its political and economic relations with regional and trans-regional countries, it has yet to be officially recognized by any country.

Afghanistan After 9/11: Two Decades of Intervention and Aftermath
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Afghan women meet in Albania in ‘act of defiance’ against Taliban crackdown

Annie Kelly in Tirana

The Guardian
Wed 11 Sep 2024 08.28 EDT

More than 130 Afghan women have gathered in Albania at an All Afghan Women summit, in an attempt to develop a united voice representing the women and girls of Afghanistan in the fight against the ongoing assault on human rights by the Taliban.

Some women who attempted to reach the summit from inside Afghanistan were prevented from travelling, pulled off flights in Pakistan or stopped at borders. Other women have travelled from countries including Iran, Canada, the UK and the US where they are living as refugees. The summit, which has been two years in the making, is being hosted by the Albanian government in Tirana after multiple other governments across the region refused, said the organizers.

Fawzia Koofi, the women’s activist and former Afghan MP, whose organisation Women for Afghanistan arranged the summit, said: “In these three days, the women of Afghanistan from all backgrounds come together to unite their efforts on scenarios to change the current status quo at a time when women in Afghanistan say they are being completely erased from the public sphere.

“We aim to achieve consensus and strategise on how to make the Taliban accountable for the human rights violations they are perpetrating and how to improve the economic situation for women inside the country.”

The summit comes a few weeks after the Taliban published new “vice and virtue” laws that banned women’s voices being heard in public and made it mandatory for women to completely cover their bodies outside the home.

“Us being here together is an act of defiance. We will not be silenced,” said Seema Ghani, a former minister under the government of Hamid Karzai and now a women’s rights activist who has remained in Afghanistan to carry out humanitarian work. “Women and girls inside Afghanistan are living lives that are dominated by fear, every day. Just leaving the house is an ordeal.”

“The world is moving on but we are here, all of us together, to try to make sure that we are not forgotten. We are not all here to agree with each other, but we are here to talk, debate and hopefully end with a united voice,” said Ghani.

‘Frightening’ Taliban law bans women from speaking in public
At the end of the three-day summit, the organisers hope to publish a set of demands or guidelines for the international community that sets out how Afghan women want to respond to the systematic attack on their rights and freedom by the Taliban.

In the three years since the Taliban have taken control of Afghanistan, women have been barred from most forms of paid employment, prevented from walking in public parks and shut out of the criminal justice system, and girls have been stopped from going to secondary school or university. The Taliban have also resumed the stoning of women for crimes such as adultery.

A campaign for the Taliban’s treatment of women to be recognised as “gender apartheid” and a crime against humanity under international law was launched last year in an attempt to hold the group to account.

Afghan women meet in Albania in ‘act of defiance’ against Taliban crackdown
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Sanctions are a key tool to support Afghan women and girls

Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security

Women are now forbidden from showing their faces or using their voices in Afghanistan after the Taliban issued a new restriction in August. Since their takeover three years ago, approximately 100 of the Taliban’s edicts have specifically targeted women and girls constituting what many consider gender apartheid. In a blow that is both substantial and symbolic, the Taliban’s so-called Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice–which is responsible for restricting women’s rights–now occupies the building where the former Ministry of Women’s Affairs once stood.

“I did not think we would be in prison and slaves again after 23 years,” said Dr. Sima Samar, Afghanistan’s Former Minister of Women’s Affairs.

To mark the third anniversary of Kabul’s fall to the Taliban, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and the Afghanistan Policy Lab at Princeton University’s School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA) hosted a day-long event to discuss Afghanistan’s economy, humanitarian situation, shrinking civic space, and ways forward.

“We need to have an honest conversation about how we can go forward, how we can leverage the tools that we have to try to have some impact in ways that will make a difference, no matter how difficult it is,” Ambassador Melanne Verveer, Executive Director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, told an audience of Afghan leaders in exile, experts, and policymakers.

Following a morning of private dialogue, Verveer moderated a public discussion featuring Afghanistan’s former Minister of Women’s Affairs Dr. Sima Samar, former US government official Lisa Curtis, and Afghanistan’s former chairman of the Independent Civil Service Commission Nader Nadery. Ambassador Adela Raz, Afghanistan’s former Ambassador to the United States and Director of the Afghanistan Policy Lab at SPIA, provided opening remarks.

A common refrain from panelists was that the international community cannot be complacent.

“For any country that believes in universal human rights, to allow what is happening in Afghanistan, is, simply, unconscionable,” said Curtis.

By allowing abuses to go unchallenged, the international community has empowered the Taliban to dictate the agenda and act with an air of legitimacy to which they are not entitled. Although the international community may be hesitant to crack down on the Taliban, the challenges of promoting accountability pale in comparison to the challenges that inaction will pose not only for Afghan women and girls, but women and girls worldwide.

Panelists offered clear strategies to advance a more peaceful, secure, and inclusive future for Afghanistan. A resounding call was to leverage sanctions to hold the Taliban accountable, using both US and United Nations authorities to target those implicated in grave human rights abuses and/or support for terrorism. 

  • Utilize the Global Magnitsky Act more broadly. The United States Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (“Global Magnitsky Act”) gives the US government authority to sanction perpetrators of “gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.” In December 2023, the US Treasury used the Global Magnitsky Act to sanction two Taliban officials, Fariduddin Mahmood and Khalid Hanafi, responsible for the closure of schools for women and girls. Panelists echoed a recent Washington Post oped by its Editorial Board to sanction more Taliban officials.
  • Utilize Executive Order 13224. Executive Order 13224 (“E.O. 13224”) gives the US government authority to sanction “persons who commit, threaten to commit, or support terrorism.” The Taliban have utilized their de facto authority to support terrorist groups like Al-Qaeda and Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, and should be held accountable.
  • Target sanctions evasion. Despite existing United Nations sanctions programs and individuals countries’ designations, notorious Taliban leaders have been able to travel freely. In June, Sirajuddin Haqqani–who has been sanctioned by both the US and United Nations–traveled to the United Arab Emirates. In July, the United Nations lifted travel restrictions on Haqqani and three other Taliban leaders–Abdul Kabir Mohammad Jan, Abdul-Haq Wassiq, Noor Mohammad Saqib–to travel to Saudi Arabia for the Hajj. The officials enjoying freedom of movement are those responsible for confining women to their homes.

Beyond sanctions, panelists called for codifying gender apartheid as a crime against humanity; monitoring and documenting human rights abuses and continuing the United Nations’  independent assessment on Afghanistan; and including Afghan women in decision-making about Afghanistan’s future.

“We lost the capacity of crying,” Dr. Samar told the audience, acknowledging the devastating and innumerable blows that Afghan women have suffered in the past three years. “It is against human dignity no matter where we are.” 

The international community is witness to the Taliban’s systematic persecution, gender apartheid, and crimes against humanity, and cannot stand idly by. The Taliban’s actions demand not only condemnation, but action. There are tools to uphold human dignity in Afghanistan. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that leaders use them.

Sanctions are a key tool to support Afghan women and girls
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Republicans work to put Afghanistan at center of election cycle

POLITICO

The battle of the “who screwed up Afghanistan” narrative is playing out across Washington in the form of congressional investigations, cable news hits and statements from campaign proxies.

Republicans released a new investigation over the weekend, particularly well-timed for former President Donald Trump’s campaign ahead of Tuesday’s debate, that puts the blame for the way the U.S. departed Afghanistan squarely on President Joe Biden (and now Kamala Harris).

“The administration’s unconditional surrender and the abandonment of our Afghan allies, who fought alongside the U.S. military against the Taliban — their brothers in arms — is a stain on this administration,” said Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), the chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee who led the investigation. “I will use every tool in my belt to compel both men to answer for the catastrophic failure of epic proportions their decisions caused.”

On Monday, a group of 10 former top U.S. military commanders shot back with an open letter defending Harris’ foreign policy credentials and accusing Trump of a “chaotic approach” to Afghanistan that “severely hindered” the Biden administration’s withdrawal options when it entered office. Trump originally set a deadline to withdraw all U.S. troops from the country in 2021 as part of a deal with the Taliban that also included the release of 5,000 Taliban fighters from prison. Biden panned the deal, but after he was elected followed through with the full withdrawal plan.

“We believed it was important to write this because we wanted to counter lies” put forward by the Trump campaign and Republican lawmakers on Afghanistan, said Randy Manner, a retired U.S. Army general who signed the letter.

For Republicans, just getting the Afghanistan withdrawal back into the news is a win — as it highlights one of the highest-profile failures in American foreign policy that ended on Biden’s watch, regardless of where the fault for the final phase of the war lies.

When Trump and Harris face off Tuesday, the fact that Afghanistan has been pushed back into the political news cycle makes it more likely it could come up as a topic.

Republicans are increasingly hammering Harris’s role in the policy. “The Afghanistan withdrawal will go down as one of the most embarrassing moments in American history, all thanks to Kamala’s incompetence,” Trump campaign spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said in a statement.

The Democrats shoot back that it was Trump before he left office that set the stage for the chaotic withdrawal, and that ultimately, Team Biden made the right call to end an otherwise endless war and focus on bigger threats like Russia and China.

“Americans are no longer fighting and dying in Afghanistan, and we’re now no longer spending tens of billions of dollars a month to fight a war that could not be won,” said Rep. Jason Crow, a Colorado Democrat and Army veteran of both the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.

The State Department issued a lengthy rebuttal to McCaul’s report on Monday, alleging that over the course of its investigation, the Republican House majority “issued partisan statements, cherry-picked facts, withheld testimonies from the American people, and obfuscated the truth behind conjecture.”

“We will not stand by silently as the department and its workforce are used to further partisan agendas,” the department said.

McCaul has hit the airwaves in network and cable news hits to outline the findings of his three-year investigation, and Trump campaign surrogates are still touting the former president’s ties with Gold Star families of U.S. service members killed in Afghanistan, despite the controversy surrounding his recent visit to Arlington National Cemetery.

Harris’ campaign is lashing out at the Republican presidential contender on national security in a new campaign ad featuring former top Trump officials such as former Secretary of Defense Mark Esper saying he isn’t fit to be commander in chief.

But Harris also has a line to walk between showing that she has been a key player in foreign policy decisions over the past four years, without being hit by criticism over how some of those Biden decisions played out. It’s unclear whether Harris will fight back and hammer Trump on his own Afghanistan strategy in the debate on Tuesday, or try to shift the narrative to other foreign policy issues.

The Harris campaign unveiled a new policy section on her website Monday ahead of the debate including a section on foreign policy, proclaiming that Harris is “ready to be commander in chief on day one.”

The ad cites Harris’s roles on Russia, Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, Israel and Gaza, and NATO. The website makes no mention of Afghanistan.

Republicans work to put Afghanistan at center of election cycle
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GOP probe of Afghanistan exit rips Biden, labors to implicate Harris

The Washington Post
The report, following two years of investigation, was criticized as “nakedly partisan” by Democrats who were unmoved by its lack of new insights.

The Republican leadership of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Sunday released a sprawling report on the U.S. exit from Afghanistan three years ago, blasting President Joe Biden and his administration as the callous and “dogmatic” orchestrator of a foreign policy failure so extreme that it ranked “far worse” than even America’s catastrophic withdrawal from Vietnam in 1975.

Democrats swiftly dismissed the 240-page report, the product of a two-year GOP investigation, as “nakedly partisan” and as the cynical manipulation of tragedy for use as a “political football.”

The document arrives just two months ahead of a tightly contested presidential election between Vice President Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump, and on the eve of their highly anticipated debate Tuesday in Philadelphia. Both parties said the timing of its release was intended to underscore Republicans’ recent efforts to revive public scrutiny of the withdrawal, which the committee’s chairman, Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Tex.), suggested could “disqualify” Harris in the minds of voters.

The committee has said as well that even with the report’s publication, its work will continue with the pursuit of additional witness testimony.

It was Trump, as president in February 2020, who negotiated the oft-criticized deal, known as the Doha agreement, with Afghanistan’s Taliban militant group to release 5,000 Taliban prisoners and withdraw all U.S. forces the following year.

In recent weeks, though, he has aggressively defended his decision to cut a deal while seeking to draw voters’ attention instead to the chaos that ensued in Kabul during August 2021, as Biden executed the agreement and brought America’s longest war to a messy and violent end. Trump last week accused Biden and Harris of bearing responsibility for the suicide bomb attack during the withdrawal that killed 13 U.S. service members “just like they pulled the trigger.”

But while the GOP report contains some minor new details, there are no major revelations that go beyond prior reporting already in the public domain via separate investigations conducted by the Defense Department, the State Department, news outlets and analysts, as well as the foreign affairs committee itself. And it contains no evidence that Harris played a major role in the withdrawal’s execution.

The report focuses intently on the chaotic and desperate noncombatant evacuation operation (NEO), a three-week crisis marred by images of horror as Afghans trying to escape the Taliban’s return to power died amid the crush of desperate crowds, while clinging to departing U.S. planes and in the suicide bombing just outside Kabul’s airport.

Among its findings that the committee emphasized were revelations first publicized months ago, such as the evacuation request coming on the day the Taliban entered Afghanistan’s capital, and one diplomat’s assertion that the U.S. Embassy’s top official had violated covid-19 protocols.

And the report does not fulfill the GOP’s larger promise of accountability to the aggrieved families of the 13 slain Americans, some of whom appeared onstage at the Republican National Convention to show their support for Trump, who has shown them compassion and vowed transparency in ways that they say Biden has not.

“All they want — they want a phone call or a meeting from Harris or from Biden to say, ‘We know we did things wrong. It didn’t go well. And we are taking those lessons into account so that it never happens again,’” said Rep. Mike Waltz (R-Fla.), an Afghanistan war veteran who serves on the foreign affairs committee.

It’s unclear how deeply voters will consider the Afghanistan withdrawal when they cast their votes in November, and whether they are willing to link the catastrophic exit to Harris, whom Trump and McCaul have endeavored to cast as a critical decision-maker.

Within the pages of the report, “Biden-Harris administration” appears repeatedly — an adjustment that the committee’s Republican staff said it made in the final weeks of drafting the document. Yet there is scant mention of her as an individual, with the committee appearing to conclude that her most damaging behavior during the withdrawal was her absence of dissent.

“With the ascendance of Vice President Kamala Harris to the top of the Democratic presidential ticket, the GOP performance has reached a crescendo — Republicans now claim she was the architect of the U.S. withdrawal though she is referenced only three times in 3,288 pages of the Committee’s interview transcripts,” the panel’s Democrats said in a memorandum released simultaneously with the Republican report.

The Harris campaign said in a statement ahead of the report’s release that “Trump gave the Taliban everything they wanted,” referring to the Doha agreement. “Despite the deal’s drastic implications for U.S. military strategy and the safety of U.S. troops and allies, Trump left the Biden-Harris Administration with zero plans for an orderly withdrawal — only a dangerous, costly mess.”

“The Biden-Harris administration knew such an attack was not only possible but likely, yet they still failed to take the appropriate measure to mitigate the risk,” the report states.

What’s more, the report charges, Biden was determined to withdraw — regardless of the cost, the warnings from his generals or the apparent deterioration of security as the Taliban steadily gained ground. It also says officials “misled and, in some instances, directly lied to the American people at every stage of the withdrawal,” and accuses the entire administration of a vast “cover-up” led in large part by the White House National Security Council.

Sharon Yang, a White House spokesperson, characterized the GOP’s report as a “recycled, partisan” attack. “The fact remains,” she said in a statement, “that ending our longest war was the right thing to do and our nation is stronger today as a result.”

Republicans argue otherwise. The aftermath of the withdrawal has degraded U.S. national security and U.S. credibility on the world stage, as Afghanistan has again become “a haven for terrorists,” the report alleges, while America’s Afghan allies who were left behind have faced imprisonment, torture and murder at the hands of the Taliban. The chaotic exit “created a tidal wave of problems in Afghanistan, the United States, and around the world,” the report says, leaving billions of dollars’ worth of U.S. weapons and currency behind to the Taliban. And it “created a crisis within the U.S. military and among American veterans,” undermining recruitment and retention, it claims.

The report allots little space to the 19 years of war and policy decisions that came before the 2021 withdrawal, including under two Republican administrations. That task falls to the bipartisan congressionally mandated Afghanistan War Commission, which will deliver its own comprehensive report in 2026.

Democrats on Sunday panned the new report and noted the total absence of Democratic involvement in its drafting. “It is a politicized, cherry-picked report … a nakedly partisan campaign thing,” the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, Rep. Jim Himes (Conn.), said on CBS News’ “Face the Nation.” That is all it was “designed to do,” Himes said — “not shed light on a tragedy.”

The foreign affairs committee’s Democratic staff, led by Rep. Gregory W. Meeks (D-N.Y.), produced a 56-page document that largely echoes the administration’s previous defense of its handling of the evacuation. It highlights, for instance, that when the evacuation was over, “the Biden Administration had facilitated the largest humanitarian airlift in U.S. history and ended the United States’ longest war” — a rosy gloss on an endeavor that left thousands of Afghan allies and their families behind.

Meeks, in a letter to fellow Democrats, characterized the Republicans’ report as having excluded “anything unhelpful to a predetermined, partisan narrative” and said their GOP colleagues took “particular pains to avoid facts involving former president Trump.”

Asked on “Face the Nation” whether the GOP’s investigation identified any “mistakes by the Trump administration,” McCaul singled out Zalmay Khalilzad, the envoy Trump dispatched to negotiate the withdrawal with the Taliban. The report heaps ample blame on him while seemingly excusing Trump from Khalilzad’s decision-making.

Khalilzad responded to some of the report’s allegations against him, including the charge that he kept military leaders in the dark during U.S.-Taliban negotiations. “That is factually incorrect,” Khalilzad wrote on social media. “Far from having been kept in the dark, the military … fully participated in the negotiations with the Taliban.” He cited the direct involvement of Gen. Mark A. Milley, then the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Gen. Austin “Scott” Miller, who was the top commander in Afghanistan at the time of the Doha talks. “No agreement was made on any military issue without the full knowledge of our military leaders and their participation in decisions made by our leaders,” Khalilzad asserted.

He also pushed back on the report’s claim that he personally excluded the Afghan government from the negotiations, writing that the Afghan government and the Taliban were never able to reach a “mutual agreement on a new government” and that “there was widespread pessimism” among U.S. officials “that the Afghan leaders would put their country first and seek a realistic compromise.”

For his part, Trump, in 2021, celebrated Biden’s decision to stick with the withdrawal agreement his administration made with the Taliban — “Getting out of Afghanistan is a wonderful and positive thing to do,” he said at the time — and in the weeks before the Afghan government’s collapse, he touted how he’d made it difficult for Biden to do anything other than follow through with the withdrawal he put in motion.

“They couldn’t stop the process,” he said at a political rally in June of that year, referring to the Biden administration. “Twenty-one years is enough, don’t we think?” he continued, overstating the length of the conflict by a year. “ … They couldn’t stop the process. They wanted to, but it was very tough to stop the process.”

Danielle Douglas-Gabriel and Marianna Sotomayor contributed to this report.

GOP probe of Afghanistan exit rips Biden, labors to implicate Harris
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Taliban Leader Meets Key Commanders in First Northern Visit Since 2021

ARSHAD MEHMOOD

Akhundzada’s meetings with top jihadist figures, including Abdul Haq Turkistani, signal potential shifts in Taliban power dynamics

(Islamabad) The Taliban’s supreme leader, Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, has spent the last week visiting several northern Afghan cities on his first trip to the region in three years since the group regained control of the country.

No official images or details have emerged from these visits, raising questions about their purpose and impact. According to sources within the Taliban, Akhundzada visited Kunduz on Friday as part of his tour of northwestern provinces, urging Taliban members to avoid internal divisions and maintain discipline.

Despite Akhundzada’s calls for unity, internal rifts within the Taliban appear to be deepening. A recent United Nations report suggests that his frequent warnings have done little to resolve the ongoing power struggles within the group’s leadership. During his tour, Akhundzada visited Samangan, Faryab, Jawzjan, and Balkh provinces, repeatedly stressing the importance of unity and discouraging divisions based on ethnicity, language, or regional differences.

Akhundzada’s limited public presence has made him a mysterious figure, raising doubts about his ability to effectively enforce his directives. His lack of visibility complicates efforts to assert authority over Taliban members.

A Taliban official, speaking anonymously to The Media Line, revealed that Akhundzada also met with Abdul Haq Turkistani, a senior al-Qaida commander and leader of the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), in Maymana City. A United Nations Security Council report noted that the leadership of the TIP, primarily composed of ethnic Uyghurs, operates from northern Afghanistan with Taliban support. The group seeks to liberate China’s Xinjiang province and establish a jihadist state.

Abdul Haq Turkistani, appointed to al-Qaida’s executive council in 2005, has long been involved in jihadist activity. In 2008, he threatened attacks during the Beijing Olympics, and by 2009, he vowed to target Chinese embassies globally. Recently, the US Treasury Department designated him a Specially Designated Global Terrorist, with the United Nations also recognizing him as a terrorist leader.

This visit marks the first time in three years that Akhundzada has met with leaders of armed groups from China and Uzbekistan. Previously, TIP leaders worked primarily with Sirajuddin Haqqani, the head of the Haqqani network and the Taliban’s interior minister.

Turkistani’s presence in Afghanistan contradicts the Taliban’s claim that no foreign fighters operate in the country. Experts say Akhundzada’s visit holds significant strategic importance, potentially affecting regional dynamics. While China invests heavily in Afghanistan, the Taliban leader’s engagement with anti-China guerrillas complicates this relationship.

Northern Afghanistan is a key region for the Taliban due to its proximity to Central Asia and its strategic trade routes. The region’s ethnic diversity, including groups historically opposed to the Taliban, makes it vital for consolidating power. Traditionally a stronghold for anti-Taliban factions, controlling northern Afghanistan allows the Taliban to suppress resistance and enhance its influence over Central Asia.

Despite Taliban claims, their control over the region remains incomplete. Akhundzada’s visit may be aimed at reinforcing Taliban forces to strengthen their hold on the area.

He noted, “China, a key regional ally, has heavily invested in Afghanistan through projects in mining and infrastructure. However, the Taliban’s ongoing ties with militant groups like the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), which opposes Beijing, could put this fragile relationship at risk.”

Massoud added that Akhundzada’s meetings with militia commanders suggest the Taliban intends to maintain, if not strengthen, its jihadist alliances. He speculated that Akhundzada may be distancing himself from the powerful Haqqani network, led by Sirajuddin Haqqani, to consolidate his own power.

Adrian Calamel, a senior fellow at the Arabian Peninsula Institute and an expert on South Asian terrorism, told The Media Line, “Akhundzada’s visit to Northern Afghanistan focuses on directing militant forces toward the West, steering them away from Chinese targets.”

He added that Turkistani remains under al-Qaida’s control in Afghanistan and emphasized the importance of protecting Chinese investments in the country.

Calamel dismissed the idea that Akhundzada is distancing himself from the Haqqanis, suggesting that Siraj Haqqani may have orchestrated what he called “terrorist shuttle diplomacy.” He also warned that the US withdrawal from Afghanistan was a “disastrous mistake” that the US will regret.

Kyle Orton, a British counter-terrorism analyst, told The Media Line, “The Taliban and al-Qaida operate as an indistinguishable jihadist network controlling Afghanistan, so Akhundzada’s meeting with the TIP/ETIM chief is not surprising” and will not affect Taliban-China relations. Calling NATO’s withdrawal from Afghanistan “a catastrophic mistake” that has seen the country regress to “pre-9/11 conditions,” Orton said the main threat to China from Afghanistan comes from the Islamic State’s Khorasan Province, which has grown since the Taliban’s 2021 takeover.

Kamal Alam, a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, told The Media Line, “Akhund’s previous reluctance to visit the north suggests he didn’t deem it secure enough. Unlike Kandahar, the north lies outside the Taliban’s main sphere of influence.” He noted that the north, home to non-Pashtun groups like Tajiks and Uzbeks, has historically resisted Taliban rule.

Alam explained that the Taliban maintains control in the north through mercenary alliances rather than ideological loyalty. He cautioned that northern power brokers are pragmatic and may switch allegiances if Taliban control weakens, making the region’s situation fragile.

Meanwhile, US Republicans released a report on Monday criticizing President Joe Biden’s handling of the 2021 US troop withdrawal from Afghanistan.

The withdrawal deal had originally been negotiated by then-President Donald Trump and the Taliban in 2020. Despite this, Republicans have strongly criticized President Biden for the chaotic withdrawal.

The report stated that the swift withdrawal caused chaos in Afghanistan, leading to the deaths of 13 US service members in a suicide bombing at Kabul airport and the Taliban’s rapid takeover of the capital.

Written by Republicans on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, the report accused Biden of failing to “mitigate the likely consequences of the decision” to withdraw US troops.

The report claimed that “Biden’s decision to withdraw all US troops was not based on the security situation, the Doha agreement, or the advice of his senior national security advisors or our allies.” Instead, it argued, the decision stemmed from Biden’s “longstanding and unyielding opinion that the United States should no longer be in Afghanistan.”

It further stated, “America’s credibility on the world stage was severely damaged after we abandoned Afghan allies to Taliban reprisal killings—the people of Afghanistan we had promised to protect.”

The report has reignited debate over the handling of the US’s longest war, just months before the November 2024 presidential election.

The withdrawal ended the US’s two-decadelong military presence in Afghanistan, during which around 775,000 American service members were deployed. More than 2,400 US troops were killed, and nearly 21,000 were wounded. Independent estimates suggest that more than 110,000 Afghan civilians and security forces died during the conflict.

Taliban Leader Meets Key Commanders in First Northern Visit Since 2021
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The Taliban Have Reached a New Low. How Can the World Respond?

Ms. Mehran is an Afghan activist and policy specialist.

The New York Times

September 9, 2024

Ever since the Taliban retook control of Afghanistan in 2021 with promises that — this time — they would be more moderate, they have played a deceitful game.

The Taliban government has introduced one decree after another, incrementally stripping away the rights of women and girls to education, employment, justice, freedom of speech and movement, and it has progressively criminalized their existence outside the home. Taliban leaders reached a new low last month when they published rules that, among other restrictions, make it illegal for a woman’s voice to be heard by male strangers in public.

Each new tightening of the screw has sparked international condemnation — but no real consequences for the Taliban. The mullahs merely wait for the outrage to subside before further entrenching their misogynist rule, undeterred by criticism, the threat of repercussions for violating international laws or even the risk of losing badly needed humanitarian aid.

But a potential new international treaty covering the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity may finally provide the world with more legal and diplomatic leverage — and a new way to hold the Taliban to account for the repression they have unleashed on millions of women in Afghanistan. This is an opportunity that cannot be wasted.

In October a U.N. General Assembly legal committee will meet to decide whether the treaty should move forward to the stage of formal negotiations. The effort to create a better tool for prosecuting crimes against humanity has gained momentum because of growing alarm over conflicts in places such as Myanmar, Ukraine and Gaza, and the treaty includes a proposal to criminalize “gender apartheid.”

Fueled by the Taliban’s actions, the notion of making persons and states that enforce gender apartheid liable for criminal prosecution has gained global traction. Last October, I joined nearly 100 prominent organizations, jurists and individuals, including the Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai, Hillary Clinton and Gloria Steinem, in signing a legal brief that defines gender apartheid as the institutionalized, systematic subjugation of one gender. The brief urges U.N. member states to codify it as a crime against humanity in the proposed treaty. Many countries have indicated support for the proposal.

There is no better way to describe what Afghanistan’s women face than gender apartheid. Over the past three years, the Taliban have issued dozens of edicts curtailing or eliminating the basic rights of women and girls while abolishing laws and agencies that were dedicated to protecting those rights. The former Ministry of Women’s Affairs, for example, was disbanded by the Taliban and its building handed over to a reinstated Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, which enforces the current government’s hard-line interpretation of Shariah.

Today, even when a woman is accompanied outdoors by a male relative, as required by law, judgments on the legality of her dress, behavior — and now even her voice — are at the total discretion of the Taliban’s ever-present morality enforcers. If one of them deems that a violation has occurred, a woman can be taken into custody, where many have reportedly been subjected to torture and rape. Afghanistan’s women now suffer from one of the world’s highest rates of gender-based violence, according to the United Nations. Women who complain about such violence have been sent to prison.

Women are now effectively confined to their homes and to the only roles deemed by the mullahs to be appropriate for them: caregiving and childbearing. Since men can be punished by the Taliban if their female family members break the rules, women are, in practice, under the strict control of their male relatives. All of this is counterproductive for the nation: By barring women from working outside the home, including as aid workers, the Taliban are harming the country’s economy and compounding its severe humanitarian crisis.

The Taliban’s new rules drag women even deeper into an abyss that seems to have no bottom. Besides muzzling women in public, the rules require women to completely conceal their faces and bodies and place new restrictions on their freedom of movement. I left Afghanistan after Kabul fell to the Taliban in 2021, but my work as an activist in exile keeps me in contact with many women still there who tell me that the latest rules add to the hurdles they face in getting access to even their most basic needs. As one woman recently said to me, even speaking to a shopkeeper to buy food is fraught when her voice is now considered awrah — a term referring to the intimate parts of the body that must be concealed to avoid tempting and morally corrupting others.

The codification of gender apartheid in international law will, of course, not automatically eliminate the crime, and bringing perpetrators to account will not be easy. But it’s an important first step toward providing victims and the global community with legal pathways to hold violators responsible and to deter other governments from committing the same crimes.

Beyond the legal aspect, international recognition of gender apartheid as a crime against humanity would have great moral power. The global condemnation of South Africa’s former apartheid regime galvanized political, legal and social resistance efforts that ultimately contributed to that system’s demise and later resulted in racial apartheid being classified as a crime against humanity by the International Criminal Court.

There is still much work to be done. If the U.N. committee agrees to move the treaty to the next phase, a range of legal and other issues will have to be worked out, including the potential inclusion of gender apartheid as a crime, and the treaty would need to be ratified internationally.

Several countries already expressed in previous committee meetings their openness to codifying gender apartheid as a crime against humanity. For this to become a legal reality, many more nations will need to step up and join in solidarity with the women of Afghanistan, particularly those countries that claim to be leaders on women’s rights or have female heads of government.

Metra Mehran (@Metra_Mehran) is an activist from Afghanistan currently in exile in the United States. She is an adviser to the End Gender Apartheid Campaign.

The Taliban Have Reached a New Low. How Can the World Respond?
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Work on TAPI Project in Afghanistan to Begin on Wednesday

ACCI also views the implementation of the TAPI project as crucial for enhancing Afghanistan’s political and economic relations with regional countries.

The Ministry of Mines and Petroleum has announced that work on the TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) project is set to begin in Afghanistan tomorrow (Wednesday), with senior officials from the Islamic Emirate and Turkmenistan in attendance.

According to ministry spokesperson Homayoon Afghan, all preparations for the TAPI project have been finalized. Once work begins, the project is expected to create both direct and indirect job opportunities for thousands of people.

“It is expected that tomorrow, Wednesday, the work on the TAPI project will officially begin in Afghanistan with a ceremony. With the start of this project, thousands of Afghans will find employment opportunities, and Afghanistan will gain access to affordable and sustainable energy,” Homayoon Afghan said.

The TAPI project, a significant economic venture for Afghanistan and the region, has completed 214 kilometers of its pipeline on Turkmenistan soil. This pipeline will annually transport 33 billion cubic meters of Turkmenistan gas to Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India.

The Afghanistan Chamber of Commerce and Investment (ACCI) also views the implementation of the TAPI project as crucial for enhancing Afghanistan’s political and economic relations with regional countries.

ACCI board member Khan Jan Alokozay said: “We hope that there will be no further delays and that the project will start. The importance of this project is immense. With the start of this new work, we believe that a significant change will come to our economy.”

Shakir Yaqoubi, an economic expert, emphasized the project’s importance, saying: “With the implementation of the TAPI project, we expect to earn close to $400 million, more or less, in transit fees and gain access to sufficient gas resources. It will also enhance large-scale economic cooperation and interactions between Afghanistan and regional countries, boost Afghanistan’s transit position more than ever, and secure a favorable and prominent place for Afghanistan in the new economic order.”

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the implementation of the TAPI project will provide Afghanistan with nearly $450 million annually in transit fees.

Work on TAPI Project in Afghanistan to Begin on Wednesday
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White House Says G.O.P.’s Afghanistan Report Offers ‘Little or Nothing New’

Reporting from the White House

The New York Times

President Biden’s spokesman denounced the House Republican investigation of the chaotic 2021 withdrawal as partisan and one-sided.

The White House dismissed on Monday a new House Republican investigative report castigating President Biden’s administration for the chaotic 2021 withdrawal from Afghanistan, saying that it offers “little or nothing new” and ignores critical facts.

John F. Kirby, a national security spokesman for the president, took the lectern at the White House to issue a lengthy rebuttal to the report that was released earlier in the day. It came more than three years after the event and less than two months before the November election.

Mr. Kirby derided what he called the “one-sided partisan nature of this report” and noted that it was not the only one issued by Republicans. “This comes, of course, two years after their first report, and this one says little or nothing new,” he said.

He pointed out that in pulling U.S. troops out of Afghanistan, Mr. Biden was following a withdrawal agreement negotiated with the Taliban by President Donald J. Trump before leaving office.

“Ending wars is more difficult than starting them,” Mr. Kirby said. “President Biden knew that. He acknowledged that. But it doesn’t mean that the decision to end this one was wrong or that the withdrawal wasn’t conducted as professionally and as bravely as it was humanly possible given the circumstances. It doesn’t mean we don’t grieve and mourn with the families of those whose lives were tragically taken during the withdrawal, especially at Abbey Gate on the 26th of August of that year.”

The report, prepared by Republicans on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, accused the Biden team of ignoring security warnings, failing to adequately plan an evacuation and lying to the public about the risks and the missteps that led to the bombing that killed 13 U.S. service members at Abbey Gate outside the airport in Kabul, the Afghan capital. The attack, which also killed as many as 170 civilians, punctuated a hasty and chaotic evacuation as the Taliban advanced, but Pentagon reviews have concluded that U.S. troops could not have prevented the violence.

The House report largely spared Mr. Trump of responsibility even though he sealed the original deal with the Taliban leading to the pullout and wanted to withdraw even more hastily.

The release of the report came as Mr. Trump has been blaming Vice President Kamala Harris, his opponent in the fall election, for “the humiliation in Afghanistan.” His campaign posted videos from some relatives of those killed at Abbey Gate criticizing her. Ms. Harris, for her part, has accused Mr. Trump of politicizing the tragedy, pointing to his photo opportunity at Arlington National Cemetery in defiance of rules barring political events.

Mr. Kirby rejected the report’s criticism, saying that planning for the withdrawal started in the spring of 2021 and that no one had anticipated how quickly the Taliban would take over the country. He noted that Mr. Trump’s agreement resulted in the release of 5,000 Taliban fighters held in Afghan prisons and that U.S. equipment left in the country was given to the Afghan government, not to the Taliban, and wound up in enemy hands only when the government collapsed.

Mr. Kirby added that the administration continues to “look with awe and admiration at the many thousands of men and women who waged this war over the course of 20 years — troops, diplomats, intelligence experts, contractors and civilian employees from this and dozens of other nations.”

He also denied that the administration was not candid with the public. “There was no deception, lying or lack of transparency by this administration, either during or after the withdrawal,” he said. “We did the best we could every day to keep the American people informed of what was happening. We conducted our own after-action reports and shared those, too, with the public.”

Peter Baker is the chief White House correspondent for The Times. He has covered the last five presidents and sometimes writes analytical pieces that place presidents and their administrations in a larger context and historical framework

White House Says G.O.P.’s Afghanistan Report Offers ‘Little or Nothing New’
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