Malnutrition Crisis Deepens as Funding Cuts Close Nearly 600 Health Facilities in Afghanistan, Save the Children Says

Acute malnutrition among children in Afghanistan is worsening as humanitarian funding falls sharply, forcing the closure or suspension of hundreds of health facilities and leaving millions with reduced access to essential healthcare.

Save the Children said on Thursday, August 13, 2026, that nearly one in 10 children under five in Afghanistan is suffering from wasting, with acute malnutrition worsening in two-thirds of provinces compared with the same period last year.

The number of children under five affected by acute malnutrition has risen by 14% over four years to 3.7 million in 2026, according to figures cited by the aid agency and UN data. Infectious diseases, poor nutrition and wider humanitarian pressures are contributing to the deterioration.

At the same time, humanitarian funding has fallen from $3.27 billion in 2022 to about $1 billion in 2025. Only $438 million had been secured for 2026, leaving a 74% funding gap, Save the Children said.

The funding crisis has contributed to the closure or suspension of nearly 600 health facilities, affecting about four million people, around half of them children.

The impact is particularly severe in remote areas, where health facilities can be the only affordable source of treatment. Save the Children said one clinic in northern Afghanistan serves about 10,000 people and receives more than 100 patients a day, with some families walking for hours to reach it.

The crisis is also unfolding as Afghanistan faces a growing number of returnees from Pakistan and Iran, displacement, drought and other humanitarian pressures, further increasing demand for already limited health and nutrition services. UN analysis estimates nearly 3.7 million children aged 6–59 months will experience acute malnutrition during 2026.

Save the Children warned that continued funding shortages could reverse progress in child health and nutrition and leave vulnerable families without timely access to lifesaving services.

Malnutrition Crisis Deepens as Funding Cuts Close Nearly 600 Health Facilities in Afghanistan, Save the Children Says
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UNAMA: Afghanistan’s Security Gains Not Enough to Ensure Lasting Stability

Khaama Press

The security situation in Afghanistan has improved and armed conflict has declined since the Taliban returned to power five years ago, but the progress alone is not enough to ensure lasting stability, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said Thursday.

In a statement marking five years since the Taliban takeover, UNAMA said the reduction in violence has brought “tangible benefits” to many Afghans and created opportunities to focus on economic development, regional cooperation and other priorities.

The UN mission also identified the Taliban’s ban on opium poppy cultivation as a positive development. However, it said major political, human rights and security challenges remain unresolved.

UNAMA highlighted restrictions on women and girls, concerns over terrorism, limits on civic space and freedom of expression, and restrictions affecting female humanitarian and UN workers as among the challenges facing Afghanistan.

“Five years have shown that Afghans, after decades of war, place great value on peace and stability,” Georgette Gagnon, the UN deputy special representative for Afghanistan and acting head of UNAMA, said in the statement.

“But sustainable peace and prosperity require more than the absence of conflict,” Gagnon said, adding that Afghanistan’s future depends on building a society where the rights and potential of all Afghans can be realized and institutions are accountable.

The Taliban seized power in August 2021 after the previous Afghanistan government collapsed and the United States and NATO completed their military withdrawal following two decades of war. Since then, large-scale fighting has declined significantly in many parts of Afghanistan.

UNAMA said the reduction in violence has created opportunities for economic improvement and stronger regional cooperation. At the same time, it warned that restrictions on women and girls are having immediate and long-term social and economic consequences.

Under Taliban policies, women and girls have been barred from much of secondary and higher education and face extensive restrictions on employment and participation in public life. UNAMA said these restrictions also remain a major obstacle to broader international engagement and investment in Afghanistan.

Gagnon called on the Taliban to lift restrictions on women and girls and allow them to participate fully in education, employment and public life. She also urged the authorities to protect fundamental rights and freedoms and address international concerns over security and terrorism.

UNAMA said terrorism remains an unresolved challenge and that international concerns over terrorist threats continue to complicate Afghanistan’s relations with neighboring countries and the wider international community. The mission did not name a specific group or refer to a particular attack in the statement.

UNAMA: Afghanistan’s Security Gains Not Enough to Ensure Lasting Stability
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HRW Calls for Release of 8 UN and Aid Workers Detained in Afghanistan

Human Rights Watch (HRW) on Wednesday called for the release of eight employees of the United Nations and a nongovernmental organization who it says have been detained or forcibly disappeared in Afghanistan.

The rights group said six male employees of the Women and Children Research and Legal Protection Network, a nongovernmental organization involved in humanitarian assistance and supporting the rights of women and children, were forcibly disappeared from the organization’s office in Kabul last month.

HRW also called for the release of two Afghan employees of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), who the group said were detained by the Taliban authorities in the western city of Herat on Sunday.

The United Nations has confirmed the detention of the two UNAMA employees.

Farhan Haq, deputy spokesperson for the UN secretary-general, told reporters on Wednesday that UNAMA had not received information about the allegations against the two employees and had not been granted access to them.

“We have not received information about the allegations against them, nor have we been granted access to them,” Haq said, according to the UN.

Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Taliban authorities, told Reuters that he was seeking details about the recent detentions but had not yet received definitive information.

HRW called on the Taliban authorities to release the detained employees and provide information about the whereabouts and status of the six NGO workers it said had been forcibly disappeared.

Freshta Abbasi, Afghanistan researcher at HRW, said the detention of UNAMA employees threatens the United Nations’ ability to provide what the rights group described as vital assistance in Afghanistan.

The detentions come as humanitarian organizations continue operating in Afghanistan amid restrictions affecting civil society groups, aid workers and international organizations.

The cases involving the six NGO employees and the two UNAMA staff members have not been publicly explained in detail by the Taliban authorities in the material provided for this report. It is also unclear whether the eight cases are connected.

The United Nations has said that it expects its personnel in Afghanistan to be able to carry out their work safely and in accordance with applicable privileges and immunities.

HRW Calls for Release of 8 UN and Aid Workers Detained in Afghanistan
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Female Afghans Erased From Public Life in Five Years of Taliban Rule

By Ephrat Livni

The New York Times

August 13, 2026

Decrees restricting women’s rights to study, work, travel and act independently now threaten to damage Afghanistan permanently, experts say.

The Taliban regained control of Afghanistan five years ago this week, returning to power after two decades and restoring an Islamic government that had severely restricted women’s rights.

In those few years, women and girls have been systematically erased from most public life, experts say. And, some add, the limitations imposed on half the population could hobble Afghanistan far into the future.

The harsh restrictions on women and girls are a return to conditions that prevailed the previous time the Taliban controlled Afghanistan, in the late 1990s. More than 160 decrees have been issued targeting women and girls, barring them from secondary and higher education and restricting their employment, movement, dress, speech and decision-making.

“No other country in modern times has dismantled the rights of half its population through law, policy and practice to the same extent,” the United Nations agency on women said on Wednesday. “At the same time, overlapping humanitarian and economic crises and deepening poverty are also having a disproportionate impact on women and girls.”

The official restrictions have reinforced social pressures, and many women say their communities increasingly press them to conform, a new U.N. Women report found, based on recent surveys. “Half a decade of escalating restrictions has narrowed where Afghan women can go, what they can do and how they can live,” it said. “The results are alarming.”

The agency surveyed about 5,000 Afghans in rural and urban communities this past spring and last year, asking women and men about life under the Taliban. There were some similarities in the genders’ answers — but some very stark differences as well.

Many Afghans surveyed expressed disappointment with the course of their lives in recent years. Still, women reported levels of isolation and distress that suggest a growing mental health crisis, the U.N. report said.

More than half of men surveyed — about 55 percent — said their lives were worse than they had expected they would be before August 2021, compared with 65 percent of women who reported a similar sentiment. But their reasoning was starkly different.

Male respondents reported frustration with a lack of economic opportunities, while many women also blamed reduced access to education, for themselves or their children, and rules restricting women’s jobs and lives.

“By closing off education and many forms of employment, these restrictions compound the economic pressures already felt by most women,” the U.N. report said, noting the “profound personal toll” the situation has had on women in Afghanistan. Many women reported rising stress, worry and pressure, “consistent with wider evidence of deteriorating mental health,” it added.

The report highlights the isolation many Afghan women now experience as a result of the restrictions. A vast majority of the women surveyed — 90 percent — said they must have a male family member’s permission to leave the house. And more than half said they went out only once or twice a month. Among male survey respondents, more than 95 percent reported leaving their homes daily.

Women and girls’ adherence to the new Taliban rules is increasingly reinforced by people around them, like relatives and neighbors. The U.N. report noted that nearly 40 percent of women surveyed this year said they felt more pressure than before to tailor their behavior for fear that those they know will report them for inappropriate dress, speech or actions.

“The Taliban have extended state control deep into the private sphere by transforming patriarchal norms into legal obligations and conscripting families into the enforcement of their ideology,” Belquis Ahmadi, a human rights lawyer and expert on Afghanistan, formerly at the United States Institute of Peace, wrote in a recent report on Taliban rule.

Human rights experts say that the crisis for women in Afghanistan has reached a critical point.

Afghanistan is the only country in the world to formally prohibit access to education for girls and women beyond the primary level. The longer women and girls are excluded from schools, institutions and public life, the more entrenched the restrictive system becomes, the further behind they fall and the fewer models there are, making their ability to recover ever less likely, jeopardizing the country’s long-term prospects.

“As a new generation of girls grows without an education, their future becomes increasingly dark,” UNESCO wrote in a statement this week, calling for the full restoration of the right to education for Afghan girls and women.

Ms. Ahmadi wrote in her analysis, “Behind every Taliban decree is a human story: a university student packing away her books, a teacher dismissed from the profession she loves, a judge forced into hiding, a doctor prevented from treating patients, an entrepreneur closing her business, or a young girl asking her parents why she is no longer allowed to learn while her brother walks freely to school.”

She argues that the international community must speak up for the silenced.

“The greatest danger facing Afghanistan today is not only that 20 million women and girls are being systematically erased from public life,” Ms. Ahmadi wrote. “It is that the world is slowly learning to live with it.”

Ephrat Livni is a Times reporter covering news around the world. She is based in New York.

Female Afghans Erased From Public Life in Five Years of Taliban Rule
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Is it time to talk to the Taliban?

Zanny Minton Beddoes

Editor-in-chief

The Economist

August 12, 2026

Sadly, I’ve never been to Afghanistan. Nor have I ever met a member of the Taliban. The closest I’ve come to it was during a trip to China in 2024, when our Beijing bureau chief enterprisingly asked the Taliban’s representative to the People’s Republic whether he would be willing to meet his editor-in-chief, without spelling out my name (or gender). The response was an enthusiastic yes. Then at the very last minute the meeting was cancelled. My colleague, mischievously, wondered whether the Taliban embassy had done a last-minute internet search on me.

Afghanistan is a country whose haunting, arid beauty captures the imagination of many who have been nowhere near it. Its recent history marks a humiliation for Western liberal interventionism, just as in generations past it was the graveyard of empires. The Taliban’s repression of women and girls, repression that if anything is intensifying, is a shocking moral stain.

This week, to mark the fifth anniversary of America’s embarrassing and chaotic withdrawal from Kabul, we are going to focus The Insider on what is going on inside Afghanistan. Has the strategy of isolating the country’s regime by way of sanctions, frozen assets and withholding diplomatic recognition worked? What is life like today for ordinary Afghans? And, when it comes to the world’s approach to dealing with the Taliban, is it time to try something new?

Tom Sasse, The Economist’s South Asia bureau chief, recently returned from a 1,000km road trip inside Afghanistan. He travelled from Kabul to Herat and Kandahar, meeting Taliban officials, business figures, village elders and school girls. He will join us from Delhi tomorrow to explain what he learnt from his travels. Steve Coll, visiting senior editor, will also join the discussion online from his home in Princeton, New Jersey. He is particularly well versed in the history of America’s campaign in Afghanistan, having written two books on the topic. (The show will also double as an unofficial launch party for his third, which is due to be published next year.) Robert Guest, deputy editor, and Chris Lockwood, Asia editor, will accompany me in the studio. They’re both regional experts, and Robert has fascinating anecdotes to share from a reporting trip he took before the Taliban regained power.

In the first part of tomorrow’s discussion we’ll explore what Afghanistan is like today. I’ll be relying heavily on Tom’s insights. In conversations since his trip, he has described to me a country gripped by a grim calm: heavily armed men patrol the streets, music is banned, poverty and unemployment are rife. We’ll also examine how countries are behaving towards the Taliban regime. Only Russia formally recognises the de facto government, but others are also in contact with it. The European Union, hypocritically, won’t offer recognition, but recently invited Taliban officials to Brussels to discuss migrant repatriation. I want to hear from you, too. Should Western nations formally recognise the Taliban government? Please tell us by voting in our poll.

In the second half of the show, we’ll ask what needs to change. Is it time to end the policy of isolation? How can we best encourage moderation? What’s in the interests of Western democracies? And, most important, what is most likely to help the Afghan people? I expect it to be a difficult conversation during which we have to confront some hard truths—and that’s precisely why it is worth having.

The show will be available to watch from 6pm London time (1pm in New York) on Thursday. We’ll be reviewing the results of this week’s poll during the discussion, as well as answering some of your questions. Please tell us what you want to know by using the Q&A feature on the episode page. And if you have feedback or suggestions for future episodes, please write to me at insider@economist.com.

Is it time to talk to the Taliban?
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A Silver Lining in Afghanistan

Five years ago, the United States was completing its chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan when the terrorist group known as the Islamic State Khorasan Province carried out one last murderous strike. ISKP’s suicide attack on the Kabul International Airport killed 13 U.S. service members and about 170 desperate Afghan civilians trying to flee the Taliban’s oppressive rule.

The carnage was a final reminder of what the American military had been doing in Afghanistan to begin with. An Afghanistan ruled by the Taliban, American policy makers feared, would become a haven for terrorists, as it was before the U.S. invasion in 2001. In the 1990s, the Taliban had offered sanctuary to al-Qaeda and like-minded networks, allowing them to train thousands of fighters and plot devastating assaults, including the 1998 embassy bombings, the 2000 attack on the USS Cole, and 9/11. For 20 years, concerns that such attacks might resume kept the U.S. fighting a war that its officials knew they were losing. In April 2021, William Burns, President Biden’s CIA director, warned that pulling out troops would create a “significant risk” of an al-Qaeda resurgence. When Biden withdrew four months later, experts claimed that he had given terrorists a leg up.

Today these fears look overblown. Under Taliban rule, Afghanistan has not become the global terrorist hub it once was. Al-Qaeda, which remains far weaker today than in 2001, hasn’t carried out an attack from Afghanistan on the U.S. or Europe since the withdrawal. Meanwhile, the Taliban has turned into a valuable—though deeply flawed—counterterrorism partner to the U.S., overturning the expectations of analysts who believed the group would revert to being a major sponsor of global terror.

The past five years have confirmed that staying in Afghanistan was folly. But they have also demonstrated a truth that isn’t nearly as accepted: Curbing terrorism often requires working with old enemies.

The Taliban is no friend to the United States. The group brutalizes the Afghan people, particularly women, and it continues to shelter militants such as al-Qaeda, which has begun to train more members in Afghanistan since the withdrawal. But unlike in the 1990s, the Taliban provides far less support to terrorists, and, perhaps more important, al-Qaeda poses a much smaller threat.

Before the withdrawal, the U.S. launched drone strikes that killed many of al-Qaeda’s senior leaders, and orchestrated an intelligence campaign that shut down al-Qaeda cells around the world. The group never fully recovered. In 2022, another American drone strike killed al-Qaeda’s head, Ayman al-Zawahiri, proving that the U.S. can undercut the group even without a presence in Afghanistan. Al-Qaeda has still not named a replacement for al-Zawahiri, and its de facto leader, Saif al-Adel, is hiding in Iran. The Taliban is reportedly reluctant to allow al-Adel into Afghanistan, an apparent recognition that providing too much support to al-Qaeda could jeopardize its own interests.

The strongest parts of al-Qaeda are no longer in Afghanistan but in Africa, and they present fewer risks: Local branches, such as JNIM in West Africa and al-Shabaab in Somalia, are primarily focused on regional goals instead of global terrorism. Similarly, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, another recipient of Taliban support, has concentrated its attacks on Pakistan rather than on international targets. In 2010, the group attempted to detonate a car bomb in Times Square; in 2020, it signaled that it wouldn’t attack America again—and no evidence has emerged since then that the organization has changed its mind.

As al-Qaeda has dwindled, ISKP has grown into the biggest terrorist threat in Afghanistan. The group is suspected of carrying out deadly attacks in Iran, Pakistan, Russia, and Turkey. It has also plotted campaigns in Europe and inspired plots in the United States. But these have failed or been disrupted, and the Taliban has helped the U.S. thwart ISKP’s ambitions.

ISKP has challenged the Taliban’s religious legitimacy, targeted its leaders, and recruited some of its rank and file. In response, the Taliban has arrested and killed ISKP fighters and leaders. At times, though, the Taliban has taken a more conciliatory approach—for example, persuading ISKP members to surrender in exchange for lenient treatment. Because they now share a common enemy, the U.S. and the Taliban have found opportunities to advance each other’s interests. Indeed, the White House’s counterterrorism chief has described the Taliban as “moderately cooperative counterterrorism partners.” Unlike the collapsed Afghan republic government, the Taliban controls the entire country and has networks everywhere, which Washington has used to its advantage. Thanks to its strong intelligence in the region, America has been able to warn Iran and Russia about the risk of ISKP attacks and to assist European states in disrupting plots.

Afghanistan isn’t the only place where the U.S. has cooperated with former adversaries. In Syria, the jihadist turned head of state Ahmed al-Sharaa works with the U.S. to battle the Islamic State and Hezbollah. America has also cooperated with the Syrian Democratic Forces, even though it has a close relationship with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, an internationally designated terrorist group that targets Turkey.

America’s relationships with unsavory actors can backfire: In Somalia, the U.S. supported warlords to fight al-Shabaab, but their abuses only increased support for the terrorist group. The Taliban’s U.S.-assisted campaign against ISKP has also had serious drawbacks. To prevent defections to ISKP, the Taliban has become even more repressive. In addition, the clampdown on ISKP’s operations in Afghanistan seems to have encouraged the group to turn to international terrorism, because it was no longer as effective locally.

Cooperating with repressive regimes or onetime enemies will always incur costs, both moral and strategic. The job of U.S. policy makers is to constantly assess whether the costs outweigh the security gains that these partnerships can offer, not only to the U.S. but to societies around the world. One of the clearest foreign-policy lessons of the past five years is simple, if uncomfortable: The best counterterrorism option is sometimes the least bad one.

A Silver Lining in Afghanistan
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Afghanistan’s Unhappy Anniversary

Five years into their hard-line rule, the Taliban find themselves in crisis at home and abroad.

Afghanistan has a track record of defeating superpowers. The mujahedeen humbled the Soviet Union in the 1980s, and five years ago the Taliban pushed out the United States.

But can Afghanistan’s rulers overcome the discontent of their own people?

With the country on the verge of another all-out war, this time with Pakistan, that is less than certain. Today, my colleague Elian Peltier explains why all the ingredients for things to spiral out of control are there.

By Elian Peltier

On what could have been a triumphant anniversary for the group, the Taliban find themselves in crisis at home and abroad.

They face a conflict just short of open war with neighboring Pakistan. They’re dealing with fresh waves of attacks from armed groups who want to topple them. Add to that mass unemployment, near-total international isolation and growing domestic discontent, and it all amounts to the most serious threats the Taliban have encountered since their victory in 2021.

It’s too early to tell whether all this will escalate in a way that could threaten the regime’s survival. But it has cracked the thin veneer of security and stability that the Taliban herald as their primary achievement since taking over — and their primary selling point to the world.

The Taliban are holding Afghan society in a chokehold that spares no one. Girls and women face restrictions to a degree unseen anywhere else in the world. Religious minorities are witnessing the forced closure of their places of worship. Anyone who voices criticism is repressed.

That grip on power over a country of nearly 45 million people seems immovable. The Taliban collect taxes and are pretty good at it. They are building roads, dams and canals. European countries are desperate to work with them to deport Afghan migrants and asylum seekers. And when someone shuts the door on them, as Pakistan did when it closed its border last year, they open new ones: Afghanistan has increasingly relied on trade with Iran, India and Central Asian states like Uzbekistan.

And yet the signs of trouble that have appeared in recent months are impossible to ignore.

An underequipped Afghan Army waits nervously at the border with Pakistan. Once a sponsor of the Taliban, Pakistan has launched dozens of airstrikes on Afghanistan in recent months; killed 500 civilians since October, according to the United Nations; and threatened to go all in against the Taliban regime, which it accuses of harboring militants who are staging attacks on Pakistani territory.

The mistrust goes both ways: The Taliban have accused Pakistan of supporting the armed groups that have attacked Taliban outposts in Afghanistan’s northeastern province of Badakhshan and are gearing up for a sustained offensive.

Whether, or to what extent, Pakistan is actively supporting anti-Taliban groups is not clear, but suspicions are high enough that a senior Western diplomat with decades of experience working on Afghanistan told me this summer, “This region doesn’t need another proxy war.”

The picture on the domestic front is also grim. The Taliban are struggling to deal with a cascade of humanitarian and economic crises. Nearly four million Afghans have been forcibly returned from Iran and Pakistan since January 2025 — one of the world’s largest episodes of reverse migration in decades. Aid cuts have plunged millions into deeper food insecurity. And UNESCO says the Taliban have deprived 2.4 million Afghan girls of a secondary education — the equivalent of all school-age girls in New York, Mexico City and Moscow combined, forced to stay home indefinitely.

A society can withstand only so much, even under the tightest of grips. At a rare protest in June, demonstrators chanted “Work, education, freedom,” similar to what their Iranian neighbors chanted in 2022. And the leader of a large religious minority warned the Taliban in May: Don’t squeeze Afghan society too much, or it will explode.

The potential to spiral?

The Taliban know the world wants a stable Afghanistan — one that isn’t a source of refugees, opium or terrorism.

The Taliban claim the country no longer poses a security threat to the region or the West. They say that they have cracked down on the Islamic State, and that they want peaceful relations based on trade and diplomacy, including with the U.S.

All of this may have some truth to it. The Taliban don’t want their various crises to spiral. But it also might not be entirely up to them.

All the ingredients for things to get out of control in Afghanistan again are here, analysts say: Growing animosity toward Pakistan and a vast population of unemployed young Afghans are fertile ground for radicalization, especially as economic opportunities are nearly nonexistent. Under the Taliban, Afghanistan is, once again, a pariah state, with barely any allies.

As a foreign military official in Afghanistan put it, the country is no longer the hub for jihadism that it used to be — but it has everything it needs to become one again.

The past five years have brought some predictability and an end to almost two decades of fighting, which many Afghans have welcomed, despite the immense hardship and repression. But Afghanistan remains shattered, and what always looked like a fragile peace is already at risk.

Afghanistan’s Unhappy Anniversary
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Half of Afghan women rarely leave home as Taliban restrictions deepen, UN agency says

Olivia Le Poidevin

Reuters

  • Over half of women surveyed by UN leave home no more than twice monthly
  • Afghanistan the only country banning girls from secondary school and women from university
  • Seven in 10 women rate their mental health bad or very ​bad, UN Women says
GENEVA, Aug 12 (Reuters) – Half of Afghan women now leave their ‌homes only once or twice a month as Taliban-imposed restrictions curtail their freedom of movement and participation in public life, according to data released by U.N. Women on Wednesday.
As the Taliban prepare to mark the fifth anniversary of their return to power this ​week, Afghanistan remains the only country in the world to ban girls from secondary education and women ​from attending university, stated the U.N. agency, which promotes gender equality.
The Taliban-run Ministry for the ​Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, which enforces many of the government’s rules on women, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The government’s chief spokesman, Zabihullah Mujahid, also did not immediately respond.
The Taliban have barred an estimated 2.4 million ​Afghan girls from secondary education since they regained power in Afghanistan in 2021, the United Nations Educational, Scientific ​and Cultural Organization said on Tuesday.
U.N. Women said the Taliban authorities have issued more than 100 decrees targeting women and girls ‌since taking ⁠power, institutionalising discrimination and deepening what it described as the world’s most severe women’s rights crisis.
The Taliban argue they respect women’s rights in accordance with their interpretation of Islamic law and Afghan culture.
More than half of women surveyed by the U.N. agency reported leaving home twice a month or less, while nearly three-quarters said they felt unsafe ​going out without a ​male guardian, known as a ⁠mahram.
The restrictions have also fuelled a worsening mental health crisis, according to the U.N. agency. Seven in 10 women described their mental health as “bad” or “very bad”, citing isolation, ​loss of opportunities and limited access to support networks.
The agency warned that recent ​decrees had further ⁠weakened women’s legal protections. Measures introduced this year abolished legal equality between men and women before the law, strengthened men’s authority within marriage and made it more difficult for women to seek divorce, it said
.
Women also remain largely excluded ⁠from the ​economy. Only 7% of women are employed compared with 84% of ​men, according to the U.N. Women report.
The agency said its report was based on a door-to-door survey of 2,190 people in February to March ​2025 and telephone surveys of 2,811 people conducted in April to May 2026.
Half of Afghan women rarely leave home as Taliban restrictions deepen, UN agency says
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UNAMA Says Two Afghan Staff Members Detained by Intelligence Officials in Herat

Two Afghan male staff members of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) were detained by officials of the de facto General Directorate of Intelligence in Herat, the U.N. mission said.

In a statement, UNAMA said the two staff members were detained on Sunday, August 9, but that the mission had not been informed of any charges against them or been allowed to meet with them.

“We confirm that two Afghan UNAMA male staff members were detained by officials of the de facto General Directorate of Intelligence on Sunday, 9 August in Herat,” the mission said.

“UNAMA has not been informed of the charges against them, nor have we been permitted to see them,” it added.

UNAMA called on the de facto authorities to respect the privileges and immunities granted to the United Nations and its officials under international law.

“We call on the de facto authorities to ensure compliance with the privileges and immunities of the United Nations and its officials,” UNAMA said.

The U.N. mission did not provide further details about the circumstances of the detentions, including where the two staff members were being held or whether they remained in custody.

The detentions come amid continuing concerns over the operating environment for international organizations and humanitarian personnel in Afghanistan. The United Nations has repeatedly stressed the need for its personnel to be able to carry out their work safely and independently.

UNAMA has maintained a presence in Afghanistan since 2002 and continues to support humanitarian, human rights and political efforts in the country. Its personnel operate under privileges and immunities intended to protect the independence of the United Nations and its officials.

This comes amid a sharp decline in international aid to Afghanistan, leaving millions facing growing difficulties in accessing adequate housing, food and essential healthcare services.

UNAMA Says Two Afghan Staff Members Detained by Intelligence Officials in Herat
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Mujahid Responds to UNAMA: Security Forces ‘Accountable’ for Their Actions

Mujahid also attributed Afghanistan’s current security situation to the efforts of the Islamic Emirate’s security forces.

Following a new UNAMA report on transparency and accountability in Afghanistan’s security institutions, the Islamic Emirate says the Islamic Emirate’s security forces are accountable for their actions.

The Islamic Emirate’s spokesperson says there may be problems in some cases, but stressed that the security forces are accountable and that the Islamic Emirate is working to strengthen accountability within security institutions.

Mujahid also attributed Afghanistan’s current security situation to the efforts of the Islamic Emirate’s security forces.

Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate, said: “Yes, we are making every effort to ensure that security institutions are always accountable, that people’s concerns are addressed, and that the duties assigned to them are carried out properly. There may have been some problems, but overall, we are confident that the security forces are accountable and address all matters assigned to them. The security we have today is the result of the efforts of Afghanistan’s security forces.”

However, in its 28-page report released yesterday, UNAMA expressed concern over continuing gaps in transparency and accountability within Afghanistan’s security institutions.

UNAMA also raised concerns about the authority of military courts to try civilians.

The mission said that under international human rights standards, civilians should ordinarily be tried before independent civilian courts.

Khalil Ahmad Nadem, a legal analyst, said: “In any case, there needs to be transparency. Security institutions must be accountable, and the public should know how a person is being tried and whether the trial is fair.”

UNAMA called on the relevant authorities to strengthen professional standards of conduct for security forces and make reporting of violations mandatory.

Meanwhile, the Islamic Emirate has not yet provided further details regarding the section of UNAMA’s report concerning the jurisdiction of military courts.

Mujahid Responds to UNAMA: Security Forces ‘Accountable’ for Their Actions
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