Investigating the Secret History of a ‘Lawless’ War

The New York Times
Oct. 29, 2025
Over the course of four years, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist spoke with dozens of elite military personnel about misconduct in Afghanistan by their peers.

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.

Two months before the fall of Kabul in August 2021, Matthieu Aikins, a freelance contributor to The New York Times Magazine, began working on a story that would take four years to come to fruition.

The results of that investigation were recently published by the magazine as a four-part series, “America’s Vigilantes,” which also featured the work of the photographer Victor J. Blue, a longtime partner and friend of Mr. Aikins’s.

The series exposed war crimes committed by members of the U.S. Special Forces in Afghanistan and the subsequent cover-ups. It told the story of a unit that was responsible for the disappearances and deaths of nine men from a remote farming village. It explored how a pardon from President Trump cut short an investigation into a soldier accused of killing a man he suspected of being a Taliban bomb maker, and it even examined how a culture of flagrant military vigilantism is having an impact domestically.

Mr. Aikins has been reporting from Afghanistan since 2008. His coverage of the war and its aftermath, including a 2024 investigation into an Afghan general and U.S. ally who was involved in human rights abuses and disappearances, has earned him two Pulitzer Prizes. For this series, Mr. Aikins spoke with more than 100 people, including many members of the military. The Times also filed lawsuits to obtain thousands of pages of previously unpublished military records.

In a recent interview with Times Insider, Mr. Aikins talked about his four-year reporting effort, which he called a “long, dogged quest for truth.” This interview has been condensed and edited.

What is the biggest thing you hope readers take away from this 25,000-word series?

I think it’s vital for them to understand the secret history of this war. To understand how we’ve gotten to our current moment, where there is a clear and present danger that the military will be used in illegal and unconstitutional ways against American citizens.

How much of your vast access do you credit to your long career covering the war and the region?

There’s no doubt that many people respected the fact that I had been on the ground, that I had gotten access to areas of Afghanistan that were even difficult for the military to go to. I had become very familiar with the way the military works, particularly these elite units. I understood the entire organizational structure, the names of units, the names of officers, how military careers work in special operations, what their training entails. And I can speak very fluently in the military jargon that they use.

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Did you encounter pushback from members of the military?

Some people didn’t agree with the bigger picture that I was trying to portray, that there was a culture of impunity that had become a problem in the military. But a lot of people were willing to speak about things they had personally witnessed. I was surprised by the level of access we were able to get. I spoke with two dozen current and former members of Army Special Operations. There were some former Green Berets who were willing to go on record and accuse their organization of misconduct, which is extremely rare for people in elite Army units to speak out like that.

Why do you think so many of them were willing to go on the record?

The sense I got from talking to people in the military is that there is a real feeling of alarm about what is happening. They’re not partisan. They’re motivated by a deep sense that the system is being subverted and the country is headed in a dangerous direction. There’s a widespread feeling in the military that the country’s leadership is ignoring and flouting long-established rules and norms that are for the good of the country.

I was amazed how people were coming out of the woodwork. I had sources just email me out of the blue. It was really out of loyalty to their country, to their beliefs as a military officer in the law and the Constitution that demanded a very difficult choice from them, which was to break from this brotherhood of soldiers. And the price for that was high. You can be socially ostracized; you can face consequences in terms of what jobs you have access to after the military. It was really motivated by their conscience.

This series is largely focused on things that happened overseas. But can you talk more specifically about the domestic implications of your reporting?

This story is really about how a lawless war overseas came home to roost. Because this type of misconduct was allowed to happen unchecked, it now poses a danger to Americans. There’s no doubt that the language and rhetoric of the war on terror is now being mobilized by Trump and Pete Hegseth, the secretary of defense, against immigrants and dissidents on the home front. If you look at the way they’re using tools that were developed to combat terrorism in response to 9/11, they’re now being wielded against those they see as criminals or domestic extremists.

Many of the implications for the United States — the rule of law, the military and the government, and the embrace of this kind of vigilante ethos by our leaders — sort of came to pass in the process of reporting this story. Trump was elected. He appointed Pete Hegseth as his secretary of defense. Then they started aggressively pushing the limits of what were considered legal and constitutional uses of the military, including what would amount to lethal strikes against suspected drug traffickers and the deployment of military troops to U.S. cities.

A lot of this stuff had been hypothetical at the beginning of this project. Then it started unfolding in front of our eyes and really gave it an urgency and relevance that this initially more historically focused project didn’t have.

A version of this article appears in print on Oct. 29, 2025, Section A, Page 2 of the New York edition with the headline: Exploring the Secret History of a ‘Lawless’ War.
Investigating the Secret History of a ‘Lawless’ War
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The Daily Hustle: One serve at a time – A volleyball player’s journey from Kabul to Toronto 

Rohullah Sorush • Roxanna Shapour

Afghanistan Analysts Network

Breaking the rules: the first serve 

In my country, women face challenges in nearly every part of life — especially when it comes to doing something like playing volleyball. Many Afghans still think that women shouldn’t play sports, but there have always been women who’ve challenged these conservative ideas that keep us from going after our dreams. I am one of them.

The first time I held a volleyball, I didn’t realise I was breaking a rule. I just wanted to play. But in Afghanistan, a girl on a sports field is more than an athlete; she is a rebel.

I fell in love with volleyball the first time I served the ball over the net. I was already in high school in Kabul when I started to develop an interest in sports. All week, I looked forward to our physical education classes and was the first to show up, ready to jump in and play whatever sport we were playing that week. There were all sorts – basketball, track and field, football – but it was volleyball that captured my heart. It became more than just a game – it became a part of my identity. I practised every chance I got, even outside school hours. Eventually, I was invited to join the school’s volleyball team. By the time I graduated in 2013, I was a sportswoman and I knew that volleyball was my calling. I took the university entrance exam and was accepted into the Physical Education Institute.

Pushing past the barriers 

But not everyone in the family supported my decision. My relatives questioned it. One uncle once asked, “Why would you even study sports? What business does a girl even have in sports?” My parents were worried about what people would say, even though they weren’t against the idea of a daughter in sports themselves. My mother kept repeating a saying we have in Afghanistan: “You can close your front door, but you can’t shut people’s mouths.” But my brother supported me. “We live for ourselves, not for what other people think,” he told them. “Sports are good for everyone — men and women. People who exercise and play sports are healthy and have sound minds. Leave it to me to deal with what people say and let her study what makes her happy.” And with those words, I was allowed to accept the offer to enrol in the Physical Education Institute. I studied hard and trained even harder. In time, I was selected to join the national volleyball team. It’s difficult to explain how proud I felt wearing Afghanistan’s colours and representing my country internationally. I knew that every early morning start and every reproachful glance from others had been worth it.

Finding my stride 

Alongside my studies, I joined the Gender Equity Programme at the sports NGO, Free to Run, that empowers women and girls through sports. The programme introduced me to other sports like running and mountain climbing. I ran my first 10-kilometre race in 2016 in Bamyan. my first marathon (42 kilometres) later that same year and, in 2018, I represented Afghanistan in an ultramarathon (250 kilometres) in Mongolia. I did very well in the ultramarathon because all most of the other runners weren’t used to running at such high elevations and struggled a little. But I’m from Kabul, which is one of the highest capitals in the world. I was used to running in thin air and at 1,350 metres, Mongolia’s capital, Ulaanbaatar, is about 400 metres lower than Kabul’s 1,790 metres.

But I also knew that I had to gain other skills that would help me find a career after the one I had mapped out for myself in sports was over. I decided on sports management, and to make that a reality, I began a post-graduate course in Business Administration at Kateb University in 2016. My days were full and hectic. I’d wake up at four in the morning to get ready and leave the house right after the morning prayer to go train with my team. I’d get back home just in time to have breakfast, rest a bit and help my mother with some chores around the house. There was volleyball practice every afternoon at the Olympic Committee and university classes in the evenings. By the time I got home to join my family for dinner, I was exhausted, but very happy.

I trained with 15 other girls. We ran three days a week and on Fridays, we went mountain climbing. For safety reasons, we had to change our routine all the time. This was my life every day. My father was always worried about my safety and also about what the neighbours and people in the family would say:

You’re leaving home so early in the morning that it’s still dark. People will talk and I’m worried about your safety. What if something happens to you? I know we live in Kabul, but many people are still very traditional and narrow-minded – even some of our relatives. They keep asking your mother and me why our daughter is leaving home so very early in the morning. Where’s she going?

I’d reassure my father, telling him I was never alone, that we were a team of fifteen girls and had safe transport. But in my heart, I knew there was truth in what he was saying. Afghan society is still very conservative and women who are perceived to be stepping outside the line are regularly harassed. Even some men on the national volleyball team made us feel unwelcome: “Any girl who plays sports is not a good girl,” they’d say.

Women in Afghanistan often have to fight on two fronts — one outside the home and another one at home. Some, like me, have it easier because they have the support of their families, but many are not as lucky – and for them, the struggle can feel impossible.

Turning my calling into a career

In 2018, I applied for and was selected as a programme officer at Free to Run. This was validation that I had made the right choice and proof to the naysayers that sports were not just fun and games – and they weren’t only for men – that it could offer a career path to women too.

Working full-time meant that my routine had to change. I still left home early to run with my team, but now, instead of taking me home, the driver would drop me off at the office by 8:30. I couldn’t practice volleyball on weekdays anymore, but I was still on the national team and joined the training sessions at the  Saramyasht (Afghan Red Crescent Society) on weekend. On match days, I took the day off work and joined the national team on the court.

The experience really changed me. Sports went from being just a personal dream to my way of giving back and being a role model to other girls.

Playing on a new court: leaving home and starting over

When the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan fell in August 2021 and the Taliban retook power, I had to leave the country. The NGO, Free to Run, helped me and my family get to Canada. Leaving Afghanistan was the hardest decision of my life – I left behind my team, my friends and the only life I’d ever known.

My family and I had to get used to our new life in Canada – so very different to what life was like back home – and help each other through those difficult moments of homesickness. I still run every day and I went back to school and earned a diploma in Business Management from Oxford College in Toronto.

I also still work for Free to Run, as a programme manager, in their Omid (Hope) programme, which helps girls in Afghanistan pursue their interest in sports through remote sessions from home. We provide weekly indoor strength and mindfulness training sessions, focusing on mental health and resilience. I also work in the Marketing Department of a company called Blue Mountain in Toronto.

Here in Canada, my days are full again – active and brimming with purpose. I work at Blue Mountain Company from 9 to 5 and go for runs after work. In the evening, I spend about three hours preparing online training sessions for girls back home.

I didn’t know what I would find in Canada when I left Kabul. I certainly didn’t expect a large Afghan community, but there’s one here and many of the girls have expressed an interest in volleyball. So, we’re putting a local Afghan girls’ team together and this summer we plan to start practising. I can’t wait to get back on the court. I still miss the sound of volleyballs on courts in Kabul and the thrill of fans cheering us on.

When I look back at my life, I see a young woman who’s been shaped by her mettle, tenacity and hope. Sports taught me that bravery isn’t the absence of fear — it’s deciding to move forward despite it. In Afghanistan, I learned to run through barriers and in Canada, I’m learning how to run towards what the future offers. I dream of a future when Afghan girls can, one day, play sports openly — not as rebels, but simply as athletes.

Edited by Roxanna Shapour

 

The Daily Hustle: One serve at a time – A volleyball player’s journey from Kabul to Toronto 
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Khawaja Asif: TTP Must Cease Activity for Normal Ties with Afghanistan

The second round of talks between Kabul and Islamabad concluded with an agreement to continue the ceasefire.

Pakistan’s Defense Minister has described the agreement between Kabul and Islamabad as temporary.

Khawaja Muhammad Asif, Pakistan’s Minister of Defense, told a Pakistani media outlet that relations between Kabul and Islamabad will only return to normal when, in his view, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) ceases operations from Afghan soil.

“Our position is that if we want to live side by side like neighbors, this will only be possible if support for the TTP is completely halted,” Asif said. “If that support continues, our relations with Afghanistan will never return to normal.”

The Defense Minister stressed that the practical framework of any agreement with Afghanistan must be clearly defined, as he believes that unless cross-border infiltration from Afghan territory is stopped, any deal between Kabul and Islamabad will remain ineffective.

Meanwhile, the spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan told a Pakistani media outlet that making threats can have a highly negative impact on the atmosphere of dialogue.

He expressed hope that the next round of talks between Afghanistan and Pakistan would be sincere and precise so that fundamental solutions could be found to existing challenges.

Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate, stated: “We hope for genuine and detailed discussions, and that efforts will be made to find fundamental solutions to the issues—solutions that benefit the people of both countries.”

The second round of talks between Kabul and Islamabad concluded with an agreement to continue the ceasefire, and a high-level meeting between representatives of both countries is scheduled for November 6 in Istanbul, Turkey.

Khawaja Asif: TTP Must Cease Activity for Normal Ties with Afghanistan
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Mujahid Confirms End of Afghanistan-Pakistan Talks in Istanbul

By Mursaleen Muwahed
Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, announced in a statement that the negotiations with Pakistan held in Turkey have concluded.

In the statement, Mujahid emphasized the Islamic Emirate’s consistent and principled position of resolving disputes through diplomacy and mutual understanding. He stated that the Istanbul talks ended with an agreement that both sides would meet again to discuss and review the remaining issues.

He also expressed gratitude to Turkey and Qatar for mediating and facilitating the talks, and highlighted the following points:

  1. The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has always believed in diplomacy and dialogue. Accordingly, it launched the negotiation process sincerely and seriously by appointing a comprehensive and professional team, and has followed the process with full cooperation and patience up to this point.
  2. Just as the Islamic Emirate seeks good relations with other neighboring countries, it also desires positive relations with Pakistan—relations based on mutual respect, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, and a commitment not to pose a threat to either side.
  3. The Istanbul negotiations, which were complex in nature, concluded with the agreement that both parties will meet again to deliberate on the unresolved matters.

Following heightened tensions between Kabul and Islamabad due to Pakistan’s violation of Afghanistan’s airspace and territory, a ceasefire agreement between the two sides was reached in Doha on October 18–19 through the mediation of Qatar and Turkey.

Subsequently, a second round of talks was held from October 25 to 30 in Istanbul, with the aim of strengthening the ceasefire agreement between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

However, Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that, in order to establish additional executive mechanisms between the two sides, a high-level meeting is scheduled to take place on November 6 in Istanbul.

In a statement, the ministry added that during the Kabul-Islamabad talks, both parties agreed to establish a monitoring and verification mechanism to ensure the maintenance of peace, and to impose penalties on any party found in violation.

These developments come amid renewed tensions between Kabul and Islamabad following Pakistan’s air and ground assaults on the Afghan provinces of Kabul and Paktika.

In response to these attacks, the Ministry of Defense of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan carried out retaliatory operations targeting positions across the hypothetical Durand Line.

Meanwhile, several analysts believe that escalating tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan benefit neither side and have called for resolving disputes through dialogue.

Mujahid Confirms End of Afghanistan-Pakistan Talks in Istanbul
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Peace talks hosted by Turkey between Pakistan and Afghanistan hit impasse in Istanbul

By  SUZAN FRASER and MUNIR AHMED

ANKARA, Turkey (AP) — Peace talks between Pakistan and Afghanistan have hit an impasse in Istanbul after three days of negotiations, with state media in both countries Tuesday blaming each other for the failure to reach a deal while efforts by Turkey were still underway to end the deadlock.

The Istanbul talks are part of a broader diplomatic push to ease months of heightened tension between Islamabad and Kabul over cross-border attacks and militant safe havens — issues that have strained relations since the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan four years ago.

Delegations from the two neighbors remain in Turkey, but it was not immediately clear whether a fourth day of talks would be held.

Pakistan Television early Tuesday reported that Turkish officials and several other countries are working to preserve the ceasefire agreed on Oct. 19 in Doha after the first round of negotiations. The agreement followed deadly cross-border clashes that killed dozens of soldiers, militants and civilians on both sides.

Three Pakistani security officials who had direct knowledge of the negotiations told The Associated Press that there is a deadlock in the talks in Istanbul over the reluctance of Kabul in accepting what they described as Pakistan’s logical and legitimate demands about assurances that Afghan soil not be used against Pakistan.

The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media. They said the host country was trying to end the deadlock so that the final round of the talks can resume as soon as possible.

According to the Pakistani officials, the Taliban delegation was “not fully willing” to accept Pakistan’s proposals and continued to seek guidance from Kabul before making decisions.

There was no immediate response from Kabul about the Pakistani claims, repeated by Pakistan Television on Tuesday.

Afghanistan-controlled media RTA made similar accusations against the Pakistani side, saying Kabul “made every effort to hold constructive talks,” but that the “Pakistani side does not seem to have this intention.”

As the latest round of the talks was underway in Turkey, U.S. President Donald Trump on Sunday pledged to help resolve the crisis between the two neighbors very quickly.

The recent fighting prompted Qatar to host the initial round of talks, which produced a ceasefire that both sides say is still holding despite the stalemate in Istanbul.

There was no official statement from either side about the status of the talks.

Islamabad-based security analyst Syed Mohammad Ali on Tuesday said Afghanistan’s strategy at the talks was to slow the diplomatic process and shift focus to other bilateral issues. He noted Afghanistan’s “reluctance to give clear, unambiguous and internationally verifiable commitment to act against Afghanistan-based Pakistani Taliban and other militants.”

Pakistan has seen a surge in militant attacks in recent years, mostly blamed on the Pakistani Taliban, or Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, a group closely allied to the Taliban in Afghanistan. Islamabad says the group is being sheltered in Afghanistan since the Taliban seized power in 2021.

Authorities in Pakistan have said the country’s military earlier this month targeted hideouts of the TTP in Afghanistan. It triggered deadly clashes between the two countries until Qatar brokered the ceasefire.

All border crossings between the two sides have remained shut for more than two weeks, however, with trucks carrying goods stranded and waiting for the reopening of key trade routes.

Ahmed reported from Islamabad.

Peace talks hosted by Turkey between Pakistan and Afghanistan hit impasse in Istanbul
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Line drawn by 19th-century Britain stokes Pakistan-Taliban tension

Haq Nawaz Khan and Shaiq Hussain
The Washington Post
October 26, 2025

The Durand Line, a legacy of the British Empire from 1893, is dividing the neighbors today.

To Pakistan, it’s a fixed border. To Afghanistan, it’s merely hypothetical.

It’s the Durand Line: a legacy of the British Empire that’s dividing the neighbors today.

For weeks, Pakistani and Afghan forces have fought across — and over — the frontier drawn by 19th-century Britain through historically Pashtun lands. Now, as they attempt to negotiate a lasting ceasefire, the Taliban-run Afghan government is increasingly challenging its legality.

Dozens of soldiers and civilians have been killed this month in skirmishes along the line. Pakistan launched airstrikes against cities across Afghanistan two weeks ago, an escalation that threatened to turn the border dispute into a wider war.

A temporary ceasefire since then has largely held. But ahead of talks in Istanbul this weekend, there was little optimism that Pakistan and Afghanistan would find common ground on the differences — or the line — that divide them.

What is the Durand Line?

British officials drew the 1,640-mile Durand Line in 1893 to demarcate the border between Afghanistan and what was then the British Raj after the empire won the second of the three Anglo-Afghan wars.

It was the waning days of the 19th-century Great Game, when Britain and Russia competed for control in Central Asia. London sought to make Afghanistan a buffer between its and Moscow’s spheres of influence.

Under British pressure, Afghan Emir Abdur Rahman Khan accepted the loss of some ethnic Pashtun tribal lands, which were effectively annexed into British India.

The resulting frontier, which runs from China in the northeast to Iran in the southwest, was named for British diplomat Mortimer Durand, then the foreign secretary of India.

When Pakistan was created in the 1947 partition of India, it inherited the border. Since then, Islamabad has considered the matter settled, and has urged successive Afghan governments, and now the Taliban, to treat it as such. Ahead of the peace talks, Pakistani officials have reiterated that it’s not up for negotiation.

But Afghanistan has long disputed the line’s legitimacy. The Taliban have taken to referring to it as a “hypothetical” or “imaginary” border.

What’s the cause of the recent tensions?

More vexing to Pakistani officials, the Afghan Taliban have shown little interest in securing it against militants or smugglers. Of particular concern to Islamabad are militants in Pakistan who have sworn allegiance to the Afghan Taliban and are waging an expanding insurgency in the territory effectively annexed by Britain more than 130 years ago.

Pakistani officials blame most attacks on the Pakistani Taliban, or TTP. The group’s leader, Noor Wali Mehsud, was the target of an alleged Pakistani airstrike in Kabul two weeks ago that ignited more than a week of border clashes. Mehsud survived the attack and has since reemerged on camera. (Pakistan has not claimed responsibility for the strike.)

The Afghan Taliban deny supporting the TTP and the TTP denies being supported or sheltered by the Afghan Taliban. A senior member of the group said talks between Afghanistan and Pakistan have had no effect on its operations.

“There is no pressure on our leadership from the Islamic Emirate to not fight in Pakistan,” he said, using the Taliban regime’s name for itself. He spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak publicly.

How does the line affect the people who live there?

Support for the TTP in the tribal border region appears to be limited. But the militants have been able to make some inroads recently by capitalizing on the longtime perception among people on both sides of the border that the Durand Line was not supposed to have any effect on their everyday lives.

For much of the 20th century, members of Pashtun communities and other tribes crossed the border several times a day without being stopped by border guards. In the 1980s, Pakistani officials even encouraged this as they shepherded weapons and fighters over the border to support the Afghan mujahideen in their fight against the Soviet Union.

The mujahideen — a precursor of the Taliban — drew support and recruits from large ethnic Pashtun communities on both sides of the border.

“People didn’t think of it as a border — there were no passports, no visas,” said Nisar Ali Khan Dawar, a 57-year-old tribal leader in Pakistan, who crossed the border freely into his 30s. “We went back and forth, attending weddings, funerals, or just to have dinner.”

What changed?

Free passage ended after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. The Taliban had sheltered al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden; the United States responded to the attacks by invading Afghanistan.

Under pressure from Washington, Pakistan closed border crossings and deployed troops to try to secure the border. Bin Laden slipped through to Pakistan anyway, but the impact on the border region has been severe and long-lasting.

Communities that depended on cross-border trade lost their revenue streams, said Nisar Baaz, a local politician who supports closer Afghan-Pakistani ties. “People have been left with nothing,” he said.

After the TTP formed in 2007 and started launching attacks in Pakistan, Islamabad moved to fortify the Durand Line, eventually building a fence that now runs along most of its length.

Still, the border remains virtually impossible to surveil. TTP fighters and traffickers have frequently breached the fence, and some locals support the militants’ efforts.

“This unjust line has divided and weakened the Pashtun Afghans, and we will never accept it,” Khan Dawar said.

Why are the Taliban pressing the issue now?

Analysts doubt that the Taliban government, recognized internationally only by Russia, can make a legal argument to challenge the Durand Line.

“Both Pakistan and Afghanistan have long treated the Durand Line as an actual international border,” said Ahmer Bilal Soofi, a former Pakistani justice minister. He noted that Afghan officials, for example, collect customs payments at frontier checkpoints.

The Taliban might view tensions along the Durand Line as domestically advantageous. “By raising this issue again and again, they are using Afghan nationalism to distract people,” said Zahid Hussain, a Pakistani political commentator.

“That may bring them short-term support at home,” he said, “but it will only increase instability for both countries.” Hussain cited the closure of Afghan-Pakistani border crossings for the past two weeks, which has left traders stuck on opposite sides of the border while millions of Afghans face severe hunger.

Shakir Afridi, a Pakistani trader in the border region, said the financial losses have cut deep. But even worse, he said, is the effect on thousands of expelled Afghan refugees who have been stuck on the Pakistani side of the border, in limbo between the country that’s pressuring them to leave and the country into which they’re being forced back.

More than 1 million Afghans have been deported or pressured to leave by Pakistan since 2023, in what’s been seen as an attempt to pressure the Afghan Taliban into reining in the TTP.

“Both sides should now at least allow the women and children to cross,” Afridi said.

Line drawn by 19th-century Britain stokes Pakistan-Taliban tension
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Afghanistan and Pakistan head to Turkey for second round of crisis talks

ISLAMABAD (AP) — Afghanistan and Pakistan are heading to Turkey for a second round of crisis talks, officials said Friday, after recent fighting between them killed dozens of people and injured hundreds more.

The neighbors are embroiled in a bitter security row that has become increasingly violent, with each side saying they were responding to aggression from the other.

Pakistan accuses Afghanistan of turning a blind eye to armed groups that cross the border for attacks, a charge the country’s Taliban rulers reject.

Last weekend, Qatar and Turkey mediated a ceasefire to pause the hostilities. The truce has largely held, although the countries’ border remains closed except for Afghan refugees leaving Pakistan.

Afghanistan’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry said traders are losing millions of dollars a day because border transit and trade have ground to a halt.

Southern Kandahar Province was the worst-hit by the recent fighting, especially Spin Boldak on the border, where Pakistani airstrikes killed people and destroyed homes.

On Friday, the Taliban government’s chief spokesman, Zabihullah Mujahid, said Deputy Interior Minister Haji Najib was leading the delegation heading to Istanbul.

“There has been no major full-scale terrorist attack emanating from Afghan soil in the last two to three days,” Tahir Andrabi told journalists at a regular briefing. “So, the Doha talks and outcome were fruitful. We would like the trend to continue in Istanbul and post-Istanbul.”

Pakistan is struggling to combat militancy, mostly in areas bordering Afghanistan.

Andrabi said there was a clear message to Kabul to stop the attacks, control and apprehend armed groups, and “our relations could be back on track.”

“We are not asking for the moon,” Andrabi added. He did not say who was in the Pakistani delegation.

Afghanistan and Pakistan head to Turkey for second round of crisis talks
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Pakistan defence minister warns of ‘open war’ with Afghanistan if peace talks fail

By

Reuters

KARACHI, Oct 25 (Reuters) – Pakistan’s defence minister said on Saturday he believes Afghanistan wants peace but that failure to reach an agreement during talks in Istanbul would mean “open war,” days after both sides agreed to a ceasefire following deadly border clashes.
The talks in Istanbul, which began on Saturday and are expected to continue into Sunday, mark the latest attempt by Pakistan and Afghanistan to prevent a relapse into violence after the worst border fighting since the Taliban’s 2021 takeover of Kabul.
The talks are meant to devise a mechanism to enforce the Doha ceasefire longer term.
Khawaja Muhammad Asif said there had been no incidents in the four to five days since it was agreed, and both sides were complying with the truce.
“We have the option, if no agreement takes place, we have an open war with them,” he said in televised remarks from Pakistan. “But I saw that they want peace.”
The clashes erupted earlier this month after Islamabad demanded that the Taliban curb militants it says are attacking Pakistan from sanctuaries inside Afghanistan.
Pakistan launched airstrikes across the border and both sides exchanged heavy fire, killing dozens and prompting the closure of key crossings that remain shut.
Islamabad accuses Kabul of sheltering militants who target Pakistani forces. The Taliban rejects the charge and says Pakistan’s military operations violate Afghan sovereignty.
Pakistan defence minister warns of ‘open war’ with Afghanistan if peace talks fail
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Germany to End Afghan Refugee Program Citing Bureaucratic Delays

By Fidel Rahmati

Germany plans to cancel its special Afghan refugee admission program, citing lengthy procedures and bureaucratic hurdles that left thousands stranded in Pakistan awaiting relocation.

Germany is preparing to cancel its special admission programs for Afghan refugees due to prolonged processing times and complex bureaucratic hurdles, according to a report aired on Monday.

The public broadcaster MDR said the decision follows years of administrative delays that have left thousands of Afghans stranded in Pakistan after fleeing Kabul in 2021.

The report, part of MDR’s Exactly documentary series titled “Afghanistan and Refugees: Germany’s False Promises,” highlights the plight of Afghans who sought protection from Germany but remain in legal limbo.

According to the investigation, Berlin’s admission initiatives for at-risk Afghans have so far benefited only a limited number of applicants, while the majority face indefinite waits for visa approval.

Roughly 2,000 Afghans who previously received assurances of relocation from the German government are still waiting in Pakistan, many of them women’s rights activists, journalists, human rights defenders, and former military aides.

The documentary warns that ending the program could amount to “the formal end of Germany’s moral responsibility” toward its Afghan partners, many of whom face grave risks under Taliban rule.

Rights groups have urged Berlin to reconsider, calling the cancellation a betrayal of those who assisted German forces and institutions during the war.

Observers say the move reflects Europe’s broader shift toward stricter migration controls and highlights the growing disconnect between humanitarian pledges and political will.

Germany to End Afghan Refugee Program Citing Bureaucratic Delays
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UK Backs Afghanistan–Pakistan Ceasefire, Calls It Key Step Toward Regional Stability

The UK expressed support for the Afghanistan–Pakistan ceasefire, calling it a vital step toward reducing border tensions and promoting regional stability.

The United Kingdom has voiced support for the ceasefire agreement between Afghanistan and Pakistan, calling it an important step toward easing border tensions and strengthening regional stability.

Hamish Faulkner, the UK’s Deputy Foreign Minister for the Middle East and North Africa, said in a post on X that London welcomes the agreement as a foundation for further diplomatic engagement between the two countries.

Faulkner praised Qatar and Turkey for mediating the talks that led to the ceasefire, describing their role as vital to maintaining peace and preventing future escalation in South Asia.

He added that lasting peace can only be achieved through joint efforts to combat militant threats and ensure open communication channels between neighboring nations.

The British government emphasized that de-escalation between Afghanistan and Pakistan is crucial not only for regional security but also for humanitarian and trade stability along their shared border.

Relations between the two countries have deteriorated in recent months amid cross-border clashes, mutual accusations of harboring armed groups, and repeated closures of key trade routes.

Analysts say London’s statement reflects renewed international interest in stabilizing South Asia, where border conflicts have disrupted economic ties and contributed to worsening humanitarian conditions.

Diplomats believe the UK’s endorsement could encourage broader cooperation among regional and global partners to sustain the ceasefire and promote dialogue between Kabul and Islamabad.

UK Backs Afghanistan–Pakistan Ceasefire, Calls It Key Step Toward Regional Stability
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