When the US left Kabul, these Americans tried to help Afghans left behind. It still haunts them

Associated Press

The United States’ longest war is over. But not for everyone.

Outside of San Francisco, surgeon Doug Chin has helped provide medical assistance to people in Afghanistan via video calls. He has helped Afghan families with their day-to-day living expenses. Yet he remains haunted by the people he could not save.

In Long Beach, California, Special Forces veteran Thomas Kasza has put aside medical school to help Afghans who used to search for land mines escape to America. That can mean testifying to Congress, writing newsletters and asking for donations.

In rural Virginia, Army veteran Mariah Smith housed an Afghan family of four that she’d never met who had fled Kabul and needed a place to stay as they navigated their new life in America.

Smith, Kasza and Chin have counterparts scattered across the country — likeminded people they may never have heard of.

Across the U.S. hundreds of Americans are independently trying to help Afghans in the years after the United States pulled out in 2021. They have helped many Afghans, but the efforts have taken a toll on their lives as well. (AP Video by Nathan Ellgren)

The war in Afghanistan officially ended in August 2021 when the last U.S. plane departed the country’s capital city. What remains is a dedicated array of Americans — often working in isolation, or in small grassroots networks — who became committed to helping the Afghan allies the United States left behind. For them, the war didn’t end that day.

In the three years since the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, hundreds of people around the country — current and former military members, diplomats, intelligence officers, civilians from all walks of life — have struggled in obscurity to help the Afghans left behind.

They have assisted Afghans struggling through State Department bureaucracy fill out form after form. They have sent food and rent money to families. They have fielded WhatsApp or Signal messages at all hours from Afghans pleading for help. They have welcomed those who have made it out of Afghanistan into their homes as they build new lives.

For Americans involved in this ad hoc effort, the war has reverberated through their lives, weighed on their relationships, caused veterans to question their military service and in many cases left a scar as ragged as any caused by bullet or bomb.

Most are tired. Many are angry. They grapple with what it means for their nation that they, ordinary Americans moved by compassion and gratitude and by shame at what they consider their government’s abandonment of countless Afghan allies, were the ones left to get those Afghans to safety.

And they struggle with how much more they have left to give.

The network was born out of chaos

The American mission in Afghanistan started with the goal of eradicating al-Qaida and avenging the group’s Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. But the mission morphed and grew over two decades. Every president inherited an evolving version of a war that no commander-in-chief wanted to lose — but that none could figure out how to win.

By the time President Joe Biden decided to pull the U.S. military from Afghanistan by Aug. 31, 2021, the American mission there was riddled with failures. But by early August the Taliban had toppled key cities and was closing in on the capital. With the Afghan army largely collapsed, the Taliban rolled into Kabul and assumed control on Aug. 15. The Biden administration scrambled to evacuate staff, American citizens and at-risk Afghans.

One Biden administration official recently described the chaos of those three weeks to The Associated Press, saying that it felt like nobody in the U.S. government was able to steer the ship. With the Taliban in control of the capital, tens of thousands of Afghans crowded the airport trying to get on one of the planes out.

That is when this informal network was born.

Past and current members of the U.S. military, the State Department and U.S. intelligence services were all being besieged with messages begging for help from Afghans they’d worked with. Americans horrified by what they were seeing and reading on the news reached out as well, determined to help.

Veterans who’d served multiple tours in Afghanistan and civilians who’d never set foot there all spent sleepless weeks working their telephones, fighting to get out every Afghan they could and to help those still trapped. The work to get visas is difficult.

One of those civilians was Doug Chin. A plastic surgeon in Oakland California, he was already familiar with Afghanistan, although he’d never been there. A few years before the Taliban takeover, he’d become involved with the then Herat-based Afghan Girls Robotics Team. So impressed was he with their mission that he’d joined their board and sometimes traveled to their international events.

Then, in August 2021, the Taliban entered Herat. Eventually came the scenes out of Kabul airport: mothers hoisting children over barbed wire, men falling to their deaths as they clung to the bottom of departing planes. Chin, working contacts, worked to help the team, their extended families, staff and others get on flight manifests, navigate checkpoints and eventually escape Kabul.

The work was so intense that he shut down his business for three months to focus on helping Afghans. For a time, he was supporting dozens of people in Afghanistan.

Now, three years later, the work is shifting. It’s a matter of trying to get visas for Afghans so they can escape — an educational visa to study in Europe, for example.

He advocates for human rights activists in Afghanistan and also helps provide medical services remotely to people in there. Once or twice a week he gets requests via the secure messaging app Signal to help someone in Afghanistan. Chin will either give advice directly or help them get in touch with doctors in Afghanistan that can help.

Some memories still move him to tears. In one case, in August 2021, a busload of people he’d helped evacuate was heading to the Kabul airport. One woman wasn’t on the passenger manifest. U.S. officials coordinating the evacuations told him that the Taliban controlling access to the airport might turn the entire bus around because of this one passenger. Chin had to order her off the bus. She later escaped Afghanistan, but it remains painful for him.

“The only thing I can think of,” he says, “is the people that I haven’t helped.”

Many Afghans are still waiting

In those initial months, there was a frantic intensity to the efforts to get Afghans into the Kabul airport and onto the American military planes. Volunteers pushed U.S. contacts in Kabul to let Afghans into the airport, coordinated to get them onto the flight lists, lobbied any member of Congress or government official they could find and helped Afghans in Kabul find safe places to go. Even leaders of the U.S. administration and military resorted to the volunteer groups and journalists to get out individual Afghan friends or ex-colleagues.

By the time the last plane lifted off on Aug. 30, 2021, about 76,000 Afghans had been flown out of the country and eventually to the U.S. Another 84,000 have come since the fall of Kabul – each a victory for the Americans helping them over the Taliban and over a tortuous U.S. immigration process.

But more are still waiting. There are about 135,000 applicants to the special immigrant visa program and another 28,000 waiting on other refugee programs for Afghans connected to the U.S. mission. Those numbers don’t include family members, meaning potentially hundreds of thousands more Afghans are waiting in limbo and in danger in Afghanistan.

In 2009, Congress passed legislation creating a special immigrant visa program to help Afghans and Iraqis who assisted the U.S. government emigrate to the United States. The idea was that they’d risked their lives to help America’s war effort, and in return they deserved a new life and protection in America.

But ever since its inception, the SIV program has been dogged by complaints that it has moved too slowly, burdening applicants with too much paperwork and ultimately putting America’s wartime allies in danger as they waited for decisions.

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Under the Biden administration, the State Department has taken steps to streamline the process and has boosted the number of special immigrant visas issued each month to Afghans. The department says that in fiscal year 2023, it issued more SIVs for Afghans in a single year than ever before — more than 18,000 — and is on track to surpass that figure this year. State has also used what it’s learned to streamline processing of SIV applicants to increase the number of refugees it is admitting to the United States from around the world.

The Biden administration official said most people remember only the chaos of those last two weeks of August and have no idea about the work that has been done in the three years since. But for those still waiting to come, they do so under constant threat and stress.

No One Left Behind, an organization helping Afghans who used to work for the U.S. government get out of Afghanistan, has documented 242 case of reprisal killings with at least 101 who had applied or were clearly SIV-eligible.

Some are trying to push the government along

Faraidoon “Fred” Abdullah is one of the volunteers often referred to as caseworkers. He has helped hundreds of Afghans fill out immigration and visa forms or hunt down letters of recommendation from former employers.

“They’re eligible. They have the documentation, but (the) Department of State is too slow,” Abdullah says.

His journey to this work started a little differently. The 37-year-old Afghanistan native began to work with the U.S. military as a translator during the war. He left his home country in 2016 through the same program he’s trying to help people through now. A year later, he enlisted in the U.S. Army.

“I lost many American friends while they served my country, while they were helping Afghan people,” Abdullah says. “So it was always like a dream for me to wear the uniform officially as a part of the United States military to pay them back with my service, with my time.”

He describes the work he has done over the last several years — as one of the few people who speaks the language and understands Afghan culture — as similar to that of a social worker. The calls come at random and varying hours of the night and day, he says.

“It’s like PTSD, and they might just snap at you like for no reason,” Abdullah says about the people he’s tried to help. “And not everybody has the patience and tolerance and the ability to deal with that.”

He was on active duty when the United States decided to withdraw. He had left his mom, siblings and other relatives in Afghanistan, thinking that the democracy that had been slowly built over the years would endure. It didn’t.

Over the last few years, Abdullah has been able to relocate a few family members out of Afghanistan. But more than a dozen still remain stuck in a process run by the departments of State and Defense. Now he worries that attention has faded from Afghanistan as other conflicts take precedence. The same urgency to donate, volunteer or sustain Afghans as their status remains in limbo is no longer there.

“Afghanistan is, right now, not an important issue — not a hot potato anymore,” Abdullah says. “That focus has shifted to Ukraine, Gaza, Israel and Haiti. And then we are kind of like, you know, nowhere.”

The Special Forces notion of ‘by, with and through’ is important

To understand what has taken place since the last U.S. flight left Afghanistan, former military members will point you to the Special Forces operational approach titled, “by, with and through.”

The term effectively means that nothing the United States does on the ground in a partner state is done without allies. In the case of Afghanistan, that’s the Afghans who — at great risk to themselves — turned against the Taliban to work with the Americans.

So when Kabul fell, the obligation to their Afghan allies left behind was equal to the responsibility to their own fellow service members. Just as they would never leave another service member behind, so too with the Afghans they worked with.

It is a commitment Thomas Kasza knows all too well.

He spent 13 years active duty in the U.S. military, 10 as part of U.S. Army Special Forces, with tours in Iraq and Afghanistan. As he prepared to leave active duty in August 2021, Kasza was planning to go to medical school. Then came the evacuation.

Like many U.S. military veterans, Kasza started helping Afghans he knew who were still in Afghanistan. At first, he was determined to limit his involvement.

Today, the notion of medical school has been abandoned. He’s the executive director of an organization called the 1208 Foundation. The group helps Afghans who worked with the Special Forces to detect explosives to come to America. Kasza and another Special Forces member and six Afghans do the work.

The foundation does things like pay for housing for the Afghans when they travel to another country for their visa interviews or paying for the required medical exams. They also help Afghans still in Afghanistan where they’re hunted by the Taliban. In 2023 they helped 25 Afghan families get out of Afghanistan. Each is a hard-fought victory and a new life. But they still have about another 170 cases in their roster, representing more than 900 people when family members are included.

To focus on the mission — getting those Afghan team members to safety — he limits the conversations he has with them. “You have to maintain a separation for your own sanity,” he says.

As the third anniversary of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan arrives, Kasza is preparing to step back from the executive director role at the organization he helped found although he’ll still be involved in the organization. Everything that’s happened over the last three years still weighs on him.

“I can’t do what our government did and look the other way,” he says.

Scott Mann, a retired Green Beret who spent several deployments training Afghan special forces, describes the work of the past few years as “being on the world’s longest 911 call” and unable to hang up. “It is like one of the most taboo things in the world to leave a partner on the battlefield in any way,” he says.

Scott adds that many veterans, like himself, are only alive now “because on at least two occasions Afghan partners prevented” them from getting killed.

“And now those very people are asking me to help their father or their mother who were on the run,” he says. “How do you hang up the phone on something like that?”

They’re trying to fix ‘moral injury’

Some of the volunteers spoke of tapping their own retirement accounts, or their children’s college funds, to keep stranded Afghan allies housed and fed, sometimes for years. Marriages reached breaking points over the time that volunteers were putting into the effort. Spouses and children warned their loved ones that they had to cut back.

One veteran who worked at the heart of the logistics network by which volunteers got grocery and rent money to Afghan allies talked of the loneliness of the work, where once he’d had fellow troops with him in tough times. As the effort went on, he upped his antidepressants. Then did it again. And again.

“Moral injury” is a relatively new term that is often referred to in the discussion about how many volunteers, especially military veterans, feel about the aftermath of the U.S. pullout from Afghanistan and the treatment of allies. It refers to the damage done to one’s conscience by the things they’ve had to do or witnessed or failed to prevent — things that violate their own values. In this case, they feel betrayed by their country because they feel it has failed to protect Afghan allies.

It is a concept that Kate Kovarovic feels passionate about.

She is not a veteran, nor does she come from a military family. But she became involved in the effort after a friend reached out to her in 2021 to ask for her social media expertise. From there Kate got more and more involved until she became the director of resilience programming for #AfghanEvac, a coalition of organizations dedicated to helping Afghans trying to leave Afghanistan. She held that position for over a year. She describes it as the hardest job of her life.

During the evacuation and its aftermath, volunteers were focused on helping Afghans flee or find safe houses. But a few months later volunteers started realizing that they needed support as well, she says.

The ease of communication meant volunteers were always getting bombarded with pleas for help.

Kovarovic says they tried a little bit of everything to help the volunteers. She held a series of fireside chats where she’d talk to mental health professionals. They created a resource page on #AfghanEvac’s website with mental health resources. And she helped create a Resilience Duty Officer support program where volunteers needing someone to talk to could call or text a 24-hour hotline. She describes that program as “catastrophically successful.”

The volunteers weren’t just calling to vent a little. Kovarovic says the calls were graphic. Desperate.

“I personally fielded over 50 suicide calls from people,” she recalls. “You were hearing a lot of the trauma.”

She lost weight, wasn’t sleeping and developed an eye twitch that made it difficult to see. Loved ones asked her to stop. In 2023, she took a break. Home from a two-week vacation, she landed at the airport and her eye twitch immediately returned. She sat down and texted colleagues that it was time for her to stop.

“I wept. I have never felt such a heavy sense of guilt. I felt like I hadn’t done enough and that I had failed people by abandoning them,” she says.

She now hosts a podcast called “Shoulder to Shoulder: Untold Stories From a Forgotten War” with a retired Air Force veteran that she met during the evacuation. They talk to guests like a Gold Star mother and an Afghan interpreter who lost his legs in a bomb blast.

She wants people outside the community to know that the work of helping Afghans during the withdrawal and all that has happened since has been its own front line in the war on terror.

“What I hope that people will understand one day is that these are lifelong conditions,” she says. “So even people who leave the volunteer work, even if you never speak to another Afghan again, this is going to sit with you for the rest of your life.”

A lot of work remains

Everyone in the movement, spread out across time zones, has varying views of where this effort goes from here. Many want Congress to pass the Afghan Adjustment Act, which would provide a permanent emigration pathway for Afghans. Others would like support for volunteers’ mental health concerns. Many just want accountability.

None of the four presidents who oversaw the war in Afghanistan has taken public responsibility for the chaos and destruction that followed America’s withdrawal. Biden, in charge when U.S. troops left, has come under the most criticism.

The Biden administration official, who spoke to AP on the condition of anonymity, said that the unwillingness by the U.S. government to admit its mistakes in regards to Afghanistan is perpetuating the moral injury felt by those who stepped up.

In the meantime, the work goes on — getting Afghans to safety and helping them once they’re here.

In 2022, at Dulles International Airport, Army veteran Mariah Smith got to experience that moment. Smith spent three tours in Afghanistan and one in Iraq. With retirement from the military nearing in 2020, she joined the board of No One Left Behind. Then came the U.S. withdrawal.

One of the Afghans the group was helping was a woman named Latifa who had worked for the U.S. government. With the Taliban encircling and constant concerns over bombings, Latifa and her family didn’t want to risk taking the young children to the airport.

She was eventually able to get a visa to what is likely one of the least used Afghan immigration routes: Iceland. From there, No One Left Behind helped her process her special immigrant visa. That’s how Smith and the woman started talking.

They discussed where the woman and her family were going to live. Mariah lives in Stephens City on a farm in Virginia’s Shenandoah Valley countryside. She also owns a home in town that she usually rents out but was empty at the time. She offered it to Latifa and her family.

Mariah was amazed at the response by the town of roughly 2,000 people where the Afghan family lived. Latifa, her husband and two kids came with the luggage they could carry, but Mariah said the mayor, police chief, town clerk, town manager and others all pitched in with furniture, toys and household items: “People really, really tried hard. And that was wonderful to see too.” The Afghan family stayed for over a year before moving to Dallas.

Why did she make that offer of a place to stay? Smith says it was a way to help a woman, her family, her children who’d had everything taken from them in their home country — helping them find a safe place, showing them that it was possible to start over here. Filling a gap. Helping.

“It felt like being a part of, I guess, the fabric of America.”

 

When the US left Kabul, these Americans tried to help Afghans left behind. It still haunts them
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Vice and Virtue Ministry Responds to UNAMA Concerns

The Ministry announced that it will no longer cooperate with UNAMA due to what it describes as misleading propaganda by the organization.

The Ministry of Vice and Virtue has issued a statement dismissing the concerns of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) regarding the ministry’s new law, describing them as baseless and rooted in Western ideologies.

The ministry’s statement highlighted that the law is based on Sharia principles and Hanafi jurisprudence, and therefore, should not be criticized. The ministry urged UNAMA not to compare Afghanistan with Western theories and non-Islamic societies.

The statement reads: “All provisions of this law have been drafted in light of Sharia principles and Hanafi jurisprudence. Criticizing this religious law is tantamount to criticizing Islam and Sharia rulings, and such baseless criticism should cease.”

“Interfering in a law based on Sharia is an insult to Islam, and it would be better if foreigners did not insult Islam,” said Sayed Akbar Agha, a political analyst.

The statement further notes that the Islamic Emirate is committed to implementing Sharia rulings and that countries and organizations should respect Afghanistan’s religious and cultural values instead of criticizing this law.

Additionally, the Ministry of Vice and Virtue has announced that it will no longer cooperate with UNAMA due to what it describes as misleading propaganda by the organization.

The statement added: “The Islamic Emirate is committed to the implementation of Sharia rulings. Due to UNAMA’s misleading propaganda, the Ministry of Vice and Virtue will no longer cooperate with this organization.”

“Every country designs and upholds its laws according to its religion, traditions, culture, and customs. However, cutting ties with international organizations is not in the best interest of the Afghan people,” said Salim Paigir, another political analyst.

Earlier, the acting minister of Vice and Virtue called on scholars worldwide to address any questions or concerns they may have about the ministry’s new law.

Mohammad Khalid Hanafi stressed that the law has been created with significant effort, and the ministry is prepared to provide answers on this matter.

Vice and Virtue Ministry Responds to UNAMA Concerns
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OIC Envoy Urges Islamic Emirate to Reconsider Policies on Women

The acting Foreign Minister arrived late Tuesday in the capital of Cameroon to participate in the 50th meeting of the OIC.

Tarig Ali Bakhit, the Special Envoy of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) for Afghanistan, in a meeting with Amir Khan Muttaqi, the acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, requested the interim government to reconsider its decision regarding the education and employment of women in Afghanistan.

Bakhit, during his meeting with Muttaqi on the sidelines of the 50th Session of the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM), also stressed the implementation of the resolutions of the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers regarding Afghanistan.

The acting Foreign Minister arrived late Tuesday in the capital of Cameroon to participate in the 50th meeting of the OIC.

In a statement, the OIC said: “The Special Envoy discussed the follow-up on the implementation of the resolutions of the Council of Foreign Ministers on Afghanistan, especially asking the Afghan authorities to review the decisions they have taken towards girls’ education and women’s work.”

“Today, Afghanistan has fallen behind global development due to the suspension of girls’ education. Therefore, it is necessary for the interim government to engage with the OIC and other organizations based on legitimate rights,” said Nasir Shafiq, a university professor.

The statement also mentioned that during this meeting, both sides discussed the issues of combating drugs and terrorism and exchanged views on the security and economic situation of the country.

The statement said: “The meeting also discussed efforts to combat terrorism and drugs. The meeting also discussed the security, humanitarian, and economic situation in the country.”

“The Organization of Islamic Cooperation consists of fifty-seven Islamic countries around the world, and Afghanistan is one of them. If the Islamic Emirate officials convince the members of this organization, it can solve all of Afghanistan’s problems at the global level,” said Aziz Maaraj, a political analyst.

The 50th meeting of the OIC Foreign Ministers was held on August 29 and 30 in Cameroon, where Amir Khan Muttaqi also participated as the representative of Afghanistan.

OIC Envoy Urges Islamic Emirate to Reconsider Policies on Women
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Afghanistan withdrawal politics miss the point of everything

Responsible Statecraft
The Quincy Institute
Fixating on final moments is preferable to facing the absolute failure of the war

On the three-year anniversary of the last U.S. soldier leaving Afghanistan, and with a presidential election looming, Afghanistan has briefly resurfaced in American discourse.

With a narrow focus on one month out of 238, and 13 deaths out of 2,219 American lives lost in Afghanistan, our leaders will once again miss the point. The spotlight will be on U.S. politics — not Afghanistan, not veterans, not Gold Star families, and certainly not Afghans. The goal is deflection, not reflection.

The harsh reality is that after 20 years our battlefield successes amounted to little. When the Trump administration entered negotiations with the Taliban, both Washington and our longtime Taliban adversaries shared the same goal: America out. President Biden soon decided to follow suit, leading to a haphazardly managed withdrawal—just another chapter in a poorly executed war strategy.

Lawmakers will fixate on the final moments because facing two decades of failure doesn’t suit them.

There are important questions that should be asked in regards to Washington’s failures in Afghanistan. Did we choose the wrong partners at the start? Was our distraction in Iraq fatal? Could we have negotiated with the Taliban sooner, or withdrawn in winter when the Taliban’s conquest of cities would have been harder? What if Bagram air base had been the final exit point, not Kabul? Why did we negotiate with the Taliban, offering them legitimacy and concessions, instead of simply leaving?

Why, after 20 years, did we fail to “know our enemy” or appreciate the intricacies of Afghanistan’s tribes and cultures? More importantly, could we have ever understood?

Some will call it a lost cause from the start — a view I understand, despite its simplicity. Others will misread the lessons to craft new intervention strategies, hoping to change history once again, albeit with better timing and execution.

Conducting after-action reviews of major U.S. military missions is both necessary and a duty. The Afghanistan War Commission and SIGAR are taking this seriously, with their findings available in public reports. Veteran journalists and analysts are also publishing books that tackle the toughest questions of our twenty-year war. However, these reports and books are unlikely to be read by those who cynically exploit our Afghan failures and the blood of U.S. soldiers for their own agendas. Whether these lessons are applied to future conflicts remains to be seen.

Listening to politicians, commentators, and retired generals, one might think the Afghanistan war was a smooth humanitarian mission, with no U.S. deaths until President Trump negotiated a withdrawal and President Biden carried it out. But that’s pure fiction.

Behind it all is a simple truth: Afghanistan was never as important to Americans as it was to the Taliban.

For Afghans and the Afghan diaspora, a bleak reality has set in: no one is coming. It’s the Taliban’s country now. Those Americans who supported staying in Afghanistan indefinitely will argue it has become hell for women — a truth backed by facts — and a hotbed of terrorism — a claim somewhat exaggerated.

They might say that, with more resolve, we could have “won” — a belief detached from reality. Supporters of the withdrawal will claim that, despite losing their freedoms, Afghans are better off with the violence reduced. Both attitudes miss the point entirely. We were never genuine or capable of shaping a future for Afghans.

Remarkably, the United States hasn’t disengaged from Afghanistan. Since August 2021, over $2 billion in humanitarian aid has been provided. While U.S. leaders have rejected the idea of supporting non-state actors to overthrow the Taliban, some Washington think tanks still advocate for it. A dedicated cadre of volunteers and government officials continue to facilitate the evacuation of Afghans who supported the United States.

Meanwhile, efforts have been made, within the limits of U.S. law, to protect Afghan assets and engage diplomatically with the new Taliban leaders. Perhaps Washington policymakers truly have learned from the past.

But with each passing year, Afghanistan will fade in importance, reduced to the status of a landlocked country with dwindling investment and moderate security risks, overshadowed by other global priorities.

Perhaps the harshest indictment of the 20-year war in Afghanistan is how little it will be discussed in the future. Each year, it will be briefly remembered on this day as a failure and then largely forgotten until the next anniversary.

Afghanistan withdrawal politics miss the point of everything
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Pakistan to Begin Second Phase of Afghan Refugee Expulsion Soon

He also stated that no one would be allowed to remain in Pakistan without a visa or legal documents.

Mohsin Naqvi, Pakistan’s Interior Minister, told the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Afghanistan that the second phase of expelling Afghan refugees from Pakistan will begin soon.

He also stated that no one would be allowed to remain in Pakistan without a visa or legal documents.

The Interior Minister emphasized the importance of the role of the UN and the international community in facilitating the return of Afghan refugees to their home country.

“Mo Mohsin Naqvi said Pakistan has been hosting Afghan refugees for decades. He said the phase wise repatriation of illegal foreigners has already begun. He added that no action is being taken against individuals holding legal documents and made it clear that no one can be allowed to stay in Pakistan without visa or other legal documents. He said the second phase of the repatriation of Afghan refugees will be started soon.” Reads part of the statement of Pakistan’s Interior Ministry.

“I don’t think Pakistan will do this unilaterally. In my opinion, and based on what we’ve been told, UNHCR, Pakistan, and the Afghan government will coordinate.” Said Tahir Khan, a Pakistani Journalist.

According to this statement, Indrika Ratwatte, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Afghanistan, said that the UN is closely working with the Afghan government for the return of Pakistan-based Afghans.

Meanwhile, Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper, citing its sources, reported that in the second phase of the expulsion of Afghan refugees from Pakistan, those who have the Afghan Citizen Cards (ACC) will also be deported.

“Our request is that a suitable living environment is created for Afghan refugees in Afghanistan before any discussion on this matter.” Said Ehsan Ahmadzai, an Afghan refugee in Pakistan.

“We urge the Pakistani government to act with responsibility and mutual understanding and not expel Afghan refugees from Pakistan.” Siad Ibrahim Danish, an Afghan refugee in Pakistan.

Meanwhile, Afghanistan in Islamabad has stated that it has not yet been officially informed about the start of the second phase of Afghan refugee expulsions.

Sardar Ahmad Shaqib, Chargé d’Affaires of the Embassy in Islamabad, said: “So far, we have not been officially informed by the Pakistani government regarding the expulsion of refugees. They have always stated that those living in Pakistan without legal documents will be expelled.”

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation of the Islamic Emirate recently announced that it has proposed a trilateral meeting with the UN and the Pakistani government in Islamabad to address the challenges faced by Afghan refugees.

Pakistan to Begin Second Phase of Afghan Refugee Expulsion Soon
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‘Gender apartheid’ takes hold in Afghanistan 3 years after US withdrawal

BY SARAKSHI RAI 

The Hill

08/28/24

A new Taliban edict banning women in Afghanistan from baring their faces and speaking in public places is spotlighting the betrayal felt by Afghan women and their allies three years after America’s withdrawal from the country.

After seeing major progress in women’s rights during the U.S. war in Afghanistan, Afghan women now face restrictions on their movements without a male relative, and women have to cover their bodies and faces with a thick, heavy cloth while in public. Secondary school for girls is nonexistent, and more and more of their freedoms have eroded.

Parasto Hakim, who runs underground schools for girls, called what’s happening on the ground in Afghanistan “gender apartheid.” Women on the ground say the latest ban is rolling out unevenly, depending on the Taliban fighter or official they encounter.

But in the days since the new edict came into effect, billboards and banners have been going up throughout the South Asian country dictating how women should dress.

In posts on the social platform X, Hakim said the restrictions will likely expand, possibly even to primary schools. “Afghan women will once again face the worst gender apartheid under Taliban rule, as they did after 1996,” she added.

In the 1,095 days since the U.S. withdrew and the Taliban rapidly took power, Heather Barr, interim co-director of the Women’s Rights Division at Human Rights Watch, said women, girls and their families in Afghanistan are slowly giving up hope on the situation changing.

“[Over] time, they give up and they start thinking about who you should marry, and the support you have to try and study at home drifts away in terms of people supplying you with books, people supplying you with computers, internet, and stuff like that.”

Living in that environment, and the impact on their mental health, is the toughest toll Afghan women and girls face, according to Barr.

“You’re stressed and angry at first, but over time, you kind of subside into depression and hopelessness, which I think is what a lot of the women and girls that we talk to are now feeling,” Barr said.

It’s also getting harder for women under the Taliban regime to see any light at the end of the tunnel, she added.

“To sustain this belief that you’re going to win in the end. How can you? It’s very hard to kind of stay in that mindset when three years have passed.”

But women in the country are also mounting their own, quiet resistance to the new Taliban edicts — at times risking their safety to express their dissent.

Women are posting and sharing videos of themselves singing, despite the Taliban’s laws forcing them to stay silent in public.

“Afghan women are defying the Taliban’s ban on women speaking in public by singing out loud. Let’s stand with them and support their powerful voices,” Habib Khan, founder of Afghan Peace Watch, wrote on X.

In a statement to The Hill, Rina Amiri, the U.S. special envoy for Afghan women, girls, and human rights, said that the Taliban’s relentless, discriminatory edicts are unparalleled.

“Their institutionalized efforts targeting the women and girls of Afghanistan constitute gender persecution. These extreme policies are self-defeating and reinforce views that the Taliban are pursuing the same approach that made them a pariah in the 1990s,” Amiri said.

The special envoy added the U.S. will use “every tool at our disposal to support Afghan women and girls, including working with and mobilizing the international community to ensure we collectively make clear to the Taliban any progress in normalized relations will be contingent on ending these extreme policies and making significant improvements in the human rights situation in Afghanistan.”

In an interview with LBC, Hakim asked: “isn’t it time to ask the world leaders who handed Afghanistan over to the Taliban — what were you thinking?”

This sentiment is echoed by Women for Women International’s country director for Afghanistan, Payvand Seyedali, who told The Hill that “America, Canada, and the UK seem to have washed their hands — on the ground, we see very little impact from their engagement today.”

“What we saw on American TV during the evacuation was exactly how it felt on the ground — a mad, shocking, nonsensical withdrawal,” Seyedal said. “That chaos still has reverberations we feel today.”

She is also critical of United Nations Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo, who recently highlighted Afghan women’s concerns at the Doha III meeting in June this year but had Afghan women excluded from those talks with the Taliban.

According to Seyedali, protests from women’s rights groups led to a hurriedly planned two-hour event the day following Doha III, where select Afghan women were invited with little notice, and no time to consult with wider groups of women. Many did not attend, expressing feelings on media of being a tokenized afterthought.

Seyedali, who is based in Kabul, said the U.N. really “struggles to walk the walk.”

“They seem to be at a loss politically, and disconnected beyond humanitarian engagement. This stalemate comes at an incredibly high cost, draining donor investment with questionable return on investment — especially for women,” she added.

The Hill has reached out to the U.N. about the criticisms.

Roza Otunbayeva, head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan, said in a statement the new laws “extends the already intolerable restrictions on the rights of Afghan women and girls, with even the sound of a female voice outside the home apparently deemed a moral violation.”

The statement added that, “The international community has been seeking, in good faith, to constructively engage with the de facto authorities.”

Rights groups after the May meeting in Doha strongly criticized the controversial U.N. move to exclude the groups, including women’s rights activists, from the two-day meeting on Afghanistan as the toll for the Taliban government’s participation.

statement issued by a group of U.S. policy advocates for Afghan women and girls said that despite these egregious violations of women’s rights, there has not been a coherent, coordinated and rights-based response to this crisis from the international community.

“The response has been piecemeal. It has lacked a commitment to upholding human rights and international law through concrete steps such as measures to hold the Taliban accountable for their abuses. Instead, the international community has engaged in a pattern of gradually accepting the Taliban’s violations of the rights of women and girls. This poses a dangerous trend toward the normalization of such abuses,” the statement added.

According to Lina Tori Jan, a policy officer at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, the U.S. can help fund women-led organizations both inside and outside the country to effectively engage with women in Afghanistan.

She added that there are a few steps that can be taken including delivering on the commitments made to the Afghan allies and well as including Afghan women in all policy dialogues in relation to the country.

In a statement to The Hill, a British embassy spokesperson said the U.K. continues to provide humanitarian support to the most vulnerable and press the Taliban on human rights.

“As part of UK diplomatic engagement, we regularly meet a range of Afghan women to ensure our policy and programming reflect their views. Afghan women must have a say in their country’s future governance,” the statement added.

However, Seyedali said that while they see those who visit from these governments try to speak up and push, “we see a common refrain of chargé d’affaires on the ground advising headquarters — but unable to move the needle.”

According to Barr, there is a kind of “deep rage” at the international community, particularly Western countries like the U.S. and U.K., that were involved in military operations from 2001 on.

“They feel like you created this situation,” Barr said of the sentiment of Afghan women toward Western governments. “You made the deal with the Taliban in Doha, which we were shut out of. You handed the country over to the Taliban. And now we’re the ones who have to live with it. And you don’t seem very interested in hearing about it anymore.”

‘Gender apartheid’ takes hold in Afghanistan 3 years after US withdrawal
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The Taliban publish vice laws that ban women’s voices and bare faces in public

Associated Press

ISLAMABAD (AP) — Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers have issued a ban on women’s voices and bare faces in public under new laws approved by the supreme leader in efforts to combat vice and promote virtue.

The laws were issued Wednesday after they were approved by supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, a government spokesman said. The Taliban had set up a ministry for the “propagation of virtue and the prevention of vice” after seizing power in 2021.

The ministry published its vice and virtue laws on Wednesday that cover aspects of everyday life like public transportation, music, shaving and celebrations.

They are set out in a 114-page, 35-article document seen by The Associated Press and are the first formal declaration of vice and virtue laws in Afghanistan since the takeover.

“Inshallah we assure you that this Islamic law will be of great help in the promotion of virtue and the elimination of vice,” said ministry spokesman Maulvi Abdul Ghafar Farooq on Thursday.

The laws empower the ministry to be at the frontline of regulating personal conduct, administering punishments like warnings or arrest if enforcers allege that Afghans have broken the laws.

Article 13 relates to women. It says it is mandatory for a woman to veil her body at all times in public and that a face covering is essential to avoid temptation and tempting others. Clothing should not be thin, tight or short.

Women should veil themselves in front of all male strangers, including Muslims, and in front of all non-Muslims to avoid being corrupted. A woman’s voice is deemed intimate and so should not be heard singing, reciting, or reading aloud in public. It is forbidden for women to look at men they are not related to by blood or marriage and vice versa.

Article 17 bans the publication of images of living beings, threatening an already fragile Afghan media landscape.

Article 19 bans the playing of music, the transportation of solo female travelers, and the mixing of men and women who are not related to each other. The law also obliges passengers and drivers to perform prayers at designated times.

According to the ministry website, the promotion of virtue includes prayer, aligning the character and behavior of Muslims with Islamic law, encouraging women to wear hijab, and inviting people to comply with the five pillars of Islam. It also says the elimination of vice involves prohibiting people from doing things forbidden by Islamic law.

Last month, a U.N. report said the ministry was contributing to a climate of fear and intimidation among Afghans through edicts and the methods used to enforce them.

It said the ministry’s role was expanding into other areas of public life, including media monitoring and eradicating drug addiction.

“Given the multiple issues outlined in the report, the position expressed by the de facto authorities that this oversight will be increasing and expanding gives cause for significant concern for all Afghans, especially women and girls,” said Fiona Frazer, the head of the human rights service at the U.N. mission in Afghanistan.

The Taliban rejected the U.N. report.

This story was first published on Aug. 22, 2024. It was updated on Aug. 23, 2024 to make clear that the Taliban vice and virtue laws say that women should veil themselves in front of all male strangers, including Muslims, and in front of all non-Muslims.

The Taliban publish vice laws that ban women’s voices and bare faces in public
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Why Afghans are being slowly poisoned by their evening meal

 

The Telegraph (UK)
Afghanistan has one of the world’s highest rates of lead exposure and a mounting body of evidence suggests cookware could be to blame

The process starts with lumps of scrap metal – mostly car parts like gearbox casings, radiators, wheels and body panels – stacked high in the yard outside the workshop.

Piece by piece they are melted down into ingots in a ramshackle furnace that spews thick, black smoke into the air over the factory in the province of Ghor in central Afghanistan.

The workers here have little more than scarves to protect themselves against the pollutants – many do not even have gloves to wear as they carry crucibles of molten metal across the to the waiting moulds.

Firooz Ahmad has worked at the factory for eight years and spends 10 hours a day at his workstation turning the cast aluminium hulls into the pressure cookers that almost every Afghan family uses to prepare their daily meals.

The 39-year-old has no idea that he is being slowly poisoned by the metal cooking pots, called kazans, that he makes every day.

“Is it dangerous?” he says when asked if he is worried about lead poisoning.

“I have headaches and persistent pains in my joints and sometimes it’s difficult to breathe – maybe I am poisoned!” he says, laughing.

He is not alone. Afghanistan has one of the world’s highest rates of lead exposure, with an average blood lead level nearly three times that of nearby India and almost five times that of China, according to the best available data.

A mounting body of evidence suggests that kazans and other cooking pots made of low-quality recycled aluminium could be to blame. The ubiquitous pots are often given as wedding gifts and can be found in every corner of the country.

In recent years, researchers have been trying to find out why they were seeing dramatically elevated blood lead levels among Afghan refugee children who had arrived in the United States.

In 2022, researchers in Washington state screened dozens of imported aluminium and stainless steel cooking pots and “simulated [the] cooking and storage” of food.

They found that every single piece of aluminium cookware donated by Afghan refugee families exceeded the US Food and Drug Administration’s limit for the maximum lead intake from food.

The worst offenders were the kazans – one of which “leached sufficient lead to exceed the childhood limit by 650-fold”.

By contrast, none of the pressure cookers made from stainless steel were found to exceed the safety levels.

Soon after the report was published, several US states put out health advisories warning of the dangers of the Afghan pressure cookers. And earlier this year Washington became the first US state to ban the manufacturing, sale or distribution of cooking pots contaminated with lead.

But news of the danger posed by the kazans does not appear to have reached Afghanistan.

The Telegraph understands that there was a furtive attempt to focus on cooking equipment contaminated with lead under the US-backed government of Hamid Karzai, but it petered out when he lost power in 2014.

Ten years on, none of the Taliban health ministry officials The Telegraph spoke to were familiar with the problem or of any plans to deal with it.

If it is not dealt with, however, the consequences for Afghanistan could be severe and long-lasting.

Lead poisoning contributes to some five-and-a-half million premature deaths around the world every year and accounts for a significant global disease burden due to the long-term damage it causes, including an increased risk of high blood pressure and kidney damage later in life.

There is no safe level of exposure, according to the World Health Organisation, and some 800 million children are believed to be affected globally, including almost every child in Afghanistan.

The pernicious effects the heavy metal can have on health are particularly acute for young children and mothers.

Lead builds up in the body over time and is stored in the teeth and in the bones.

High levels of exposure can severely damage the brain and central nervous system, causing convulsions, comas, and even death.

Even in smaller doses, lead can cause severe learning disabilities. It has also been linked to a greater incidence of violence and criminality in adulthood.

“The evidence is that lead poisoning just hurts kids’ cognitive development,” said Dr Alice Evans, a Senior Lecturer in the Social Science of Development at King’s College London.

“It’s not like you’ll have a sick day, so to speak, but rather it affects how the brain is developing, and the way that economists have been able to show this is that kids who are affected have worse progression in school,” she told The Telegraph. “They’re more likely to be suspended, and it seems they’re more likely to be associated with violent crime.”

The sudden decline of crime rates across the industrialised world, but particularly in America in the 1990s, has been attributed to the removal of lead from paint and petrol.

While some scientists are still sceptical of a causal link between lead and crime rates – the lead-crime hypothesis – the correlation between falling levels of lead in the blood of young children and violent crime is startling, as this graph shows:

There have been several other apparent success stories.

Most recently, researchers in Bangladesh managed to identify turmeric enhanced with vibrant yellow lead chromate as a major cause of the sky-high blood lead levels they were seeing.

The discovery prompted the country’s Food Safety Authority to start a highly successful two-pronged campaign, warning the public of the dangers of contaminated spices and patrolling the markets with X-ray fluorescence analysers to detect lead.

It may be harder to pin Afghanistan’s problem on a single culprit like the kazans, said Rachel Bonnifield, a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Global Development.

Countries that have suffered decades of conflict like Afghanistan also tend to have much higher levels of lead in the environment, she said, adding that Kohl, or surma – the traditional eyeliner worn by many Afghans from extremely young ages – has also been identified as a potential source.

The antimony it is usually made from is often mistaken for, and found alongside, galena, or lead sulfide.

More broadly, understanding the true extent of Afghanistan’s lead poisoning problem is complicated by the lack of data, she said. But what is clear is the severity of the impact it can have.

“The consequences of lead poisoning for global health, for children’s education and for overall development and economic growth are, frankly, staggering,” she told a recent conference.

The Telegraph confronted the owner of a kazan factory about the potential danger of his products.

Enayat, who owns a factory producing cooking pots in the western province of Herat, said he had heard of “rumours” about lead poisoning.

“These are just rumours,” he told The Telegraph. “We now have European customers, and our competitors are spreading these false rumours about poisoning.”

“I’ve been in this business for 20 years and have never encountered a case,” he said, adding that in his factory they only use “pure aluminium” to make their pots.

Convincing Afghans of the dangers of lead poisoning may too be an uphill battle.

Mr Ahmad, the craftsman from Ghor who gets paid about £4 a day, said he and his co-workers had only one priority.

“We only care about bread and how to fill our stomachs here, that’s the challenge and nothing else,” he said.

Why Afghans are being slowly poisoned by their evening meal
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Taliban vice and virtue laws provide ‘distressing vision’ for Afghanistan, UN envoy warns

By ASSOCIATED PRESS

ISLAMABAD — The Taliban’s new vice and virtue laws that include a ban on women’s voices and bare faces in public provide a “distressing vision” for Afghanistan’s future, a top U.N. official warned Sunday.

Roza Otunbayeva, who heads the U.N. mission in the country, said the laws extend the “ already intolerable restrictions ” on the rights of women and girls, with “even the sound of a female voice” outside the home apparently deemed a moral violation.

Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers last Wednesday issued the country’s first set of laws to prevent vice and promote virtue. They include a requirement for a woman to conceal her face, body and voice outside the home.

The laws empower the Vice and Virtue Ministry to be at the front line of regulating personal conduct and administering punishments like warnings or arrest if its enforcers allege that Afghans have broken the laws.

“After decades of war and in the midst of a terrible humanitarian crisis, the Afghan people deserve much better than being threatened or jailed if they happen to be late for prayers, glance at a member of the opposite sex who is not a family member, or possess a photo of a loved one,” Otunbayeva said.

The mission said it was studying the newly ratified law and its implications for Afghans, as well as its potential impact on the U.N. and other humanitarian assistance.

Taliban officials were not immediately available for comment.

In remarks broadcast Sunday by state-controlled broadcaster RTA, Vice and Virtue Minister Mohammad Khaled Hanafi said nobody had the right to violate women’s rights based on inappropriate customs.

“We are committed to assure all rights of women based on Islamic law and anyone who has a complaint in this regard will be heard and resolved,” he added.

Taliban supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada said last year that Afghan women are provided with a “comfortable and prosperous” life, in spite of decrees barring them from many public spaces, education and most jobs.

The U.N. has previously said that official recognition of the Taliban as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan is nearly impossible while restrictions on women and girls remain.

Although no country recognises the Taliban, many in the region have ties with them.

Last Wednesday, the United Arab Emirates accepted the credentials of the Taliban’s ambassador to the oil-rich Gulf Arab state.

A UAE official said the decision reaffirmed the government’s determination to contribute to building bridges to help Afghans. “This includes the provision of humanitarian assistance through development and reconstruction projects, and supporting efforts that work towards regional de-escalation and stability.”

Otunbayeva is scheduled to report to the U.N. Security Council on the situation in Afghanistan on Sept. 18, three years after the Taliban stopped girls’ education beyond sixth grade.

Taliban vice and virtue laws provide ‘distressing vision’ for Afghanistan, UN envoy warns
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Nadim: Conditions for Reopening Schools for Girls ‘Not Yet Met’

Ziaullah Hashimi also mentioned the recruitment of eleven foreign instructors for the Afghanistan International Islamic University.

Neda Mohammad Nadim, the acting Minister of Higher Education, said that the conditions for reopening schools and universities for girls in the country have not yet been met.

During a program outlining the one-year achievements of this ministry, Nadim added that some individuals make unjustified remarks regarding girls’ education and emphasized that the demands of the people cannot be met by violating Islamic law.

The acting Minister of Higher Education said: “The research by scholars is ongoing. If scholars conclude in their research that educating females in this manner is permissible, it is believed that permission will then be granted.”

Neda Mohammad Nadim also mentioned that the ministry’s staff has increased by five thousand compared to the past, and he emphasized that no one will be allowed to obtain fraudulent educational documents.

Regarding this, Nadim said: “From now on, we will not allow anyone in Afghanistan to present us with imaginary students in society and to unjustly grant diplomas.”

Other officials from this ministry also mentioned that over one hundred and thirty curricula have been finalized by them and sent to the leader of the Islamic Emirate for approval.

The Directorate of Publications and Public Communications of the Ministry of Higher Education said that in the past year, in addition to various educational sectors, they have also engaged in healthcare service delivery activities.

Sardar Wali Salehi, the Director of Scientific Program Development of the Ministry of Higher Education, said: “In total, 131 curricula have been finalized based on religious, national, and international standards and have been sent to the Islamic Emirate’s higher authorities for approval.”

Meanwhile, Ziaullah Hashimi, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Higher Education, said that eleven doctoral programs, twenty-six master’s programs, thirteen new faculties at the bachelor’s level, and eighty-six new departments have been established in various educational institutions.

Ziaullah Hashimi also mentioned the recruitment of eleven foreign instructors for the Afghanistan International Islamic University.

Regarding this, Hashimi said: “With the aim of providing specialized and professional training to the country’s young generation, eleven professors from Egypt, Turkey, Iran, and other Islamic countries have been recruited to the Afghanistan International Islamic University.”

The Ministry of Higher Education reported that over 557 million afghani have been collected as revenue from the distribution of diplomas and transcripts, and currently, around one hundred and ninety thousand students are studying in the Emirate’s educational institutions.

Nadim: Conditions for Reopening Schools for Girls ‘Not Yet Met’
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