Pakistan Says Afghan Students With Valid Visas Can Continue Studies

Khaama Press

Pakistan has clarified that Afghan students holding valid visas will be allowed to continue their education, following reports that the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council (PMDC) had ordered medical universities to stop admitting Afghan students and expel those enrolled.

Foreign Ministry spokesperson Sajjad Haider Khan said Islamabad has not imposed a blanket ban on Afghan students studying in Pakistan. He said students with valid visas who are enrolled in recognized academic programs can continue their studies and complete their education.

Speaking at the Foreign Ministry’s weekly news briefing, Khan said Pakistan remains committed to honoring the legal status of foreign students who comply with the country’s immigration and education regulations.

“Those who have valid visas and are enrolled in legitimate academic programs will continue their education in Pakistan and complete their studies,” Khan said, rejecting reports that all Afghan students would be forced to leave the country.

His remarks came after widespread concern among Afghan students and universities over reports that the PMDC had instructed medical colleges to halt new admissions for Afghan nationals and remove existing Afghan medical students from institutions across Pakistan.

The reported directive has created uncertainty for hundreds of Afghan students pursuing medical degrees in Pakistan, many of whom fled Afghanistan after the Taliban returned to power in 2021 and continued their education abroad.

The Pakistan Medical and Dental Council has reportedly instructed medical universities not to admit new Afghan students, citing regulatory and documentation requirements. However, the Foreign Ministry’s statement suggests the restriction does not apply to Afghan students who already possess valid visas and are legally enrolled.

The clarification is expected to ease concerns among current Afghan students, although questions remain over whether universities will reverse or modify any measures taken in response to the PMDC’s reported decision.

Pakistan has been one of the main destinations for Afghan students, particularly those studying medicine and higher education, since the Taliban takeover. Many students have relied on Pakistani universities after educational opportunities for women and some professional fields were severely restricted inside Afghanistan.

The latest controversy comes amid Pakistan’s broader tightening of immigration policies toward Afghan nationals, including deportation campaigns targeting undocumented Afghans. Rights groups and education advocates have warned that restrictions on student enrollment could disrupt the education of young Afghans who have few alternatives.

Pakistani authorities have not announced any nationwide policy ending education for Afghan students with valid visas, but the future of new admissions to medical programs remains uncertain pending further clarification from the PMDC.

Pakistan Says Afghan Students With Valid Visas Can Continue Studies
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UN Human Rights Chief Voices Concern Over Situation in Afghanistan

He also criticized the international community, accusing it of neglecting Afghanistan.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has expressed concern over what he describes as widespread restrictions in Afghanistan and called for the country’s obligations under international law to be upheld.

Volker Türk particularly criticized restrictions on women and girls in education, employment, freedom of movement and participation in public life, saying women are absent from public decision-making bodies.

He also criticized the international community, accusing it of neglecting Afghanistan.

Jeremy Laurence, spokesperson for the UN Human Rights Office, said that the world appeared to have forgotten and abandoned the people of Afghanistan, whose situation was worsening by the day. He added that millions were trapped in poverty, respect for fundamental human rights continued to deteriorate, and hundreds of thousands of people were being returned to Afghanistan against their will.

Türk says millions of Afghans are living in poverty and that, alongside human rights restrictions, the forced return of hundreds of thousands of Afghan migrants has further worsened the humanitarian situation in the country.

Türk called on countries around the world to prioritize the lives of the Afghan people and work to support equality and dignity for all Afghans.

Khalil Ahmad Nadem, a political analyst, said: “The international community has become disappointed with Afghanistan, and that is why its attention has declined. The Afghan people are the ones who suffer as a result.”

The remarks come as Islamic Emirate officials have repeatedly said that citizens’ rights are protected within the framework of Islamic Sharia and Afghan culture, while calling on the international community to adopt a humanitarian and non-political approach in its engagement with Afghanistan.

UN Human Rights Chief Voices Concern Over Situation in Afghanistan
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Egeland: Aid Cuts, Lack of Diplomatic Engagement Deepen Afghans’ Sufferings

He added that thousands of families need humanitarian assistance, but reductions in international aid have left many of them without support.

Jan Egeland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), says that avoiding diplomatic engagement and cutting humanitarian aid have failed to address the challenges facing people in need in Afghanistan and have only increased their suffering.

Egeland, who recently visited the country, said that nearly six million people have returned to Afghanistan from Iran and Pakistan over the past three years, with many returnees arriving without shelter, jobs, or basic necessities.

He added that thousands of families need humanitarian assistance, but reductions in international aid have left many of them without support.

Jan Egeland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council, said: “Very few countries have continued providing assistance to the people of Afghanistan, and very few countries are engaging with Afghan authorities to press them to make progress on the rights of girls and women, who have been denied education and employment. Cutting aid and refusing diplomatic engagement do nothing to help millions of people in need; they only deepen their suffering.”

Aziz Maarij, a former diplomat, said: “Overall, global isolation is detrimental to Afghanistan, and as the Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council said, cutting diplomatic relations is also harmful to Afghanistan.”

Meanwhile, UNICEF’s representative in Afghanistan, during a visit to the Omari refugee camp in the east of Afghanistan, said that more than 500 unaccompanied or separated children had returned over the past seven months.

Tajudeen Oyewale emphasized the need to support returnees in the country.

Tajudeen Oyewale, UNICEF Representative in Afghanistan, said: “Today at the Omari camp, I assessed the situation of children, and from January to July this year, we registered more than 500 children who returned unaccompanied or separated from their families. This is a reminder that the returnee crisis is continuing, and we continue to call on our donors and partners to support efforts to address the situation of the returnee population in Afghanistan.”

Abdul Raziq Adel, a migrant rights activist, said: “The need to support returning migrants is urgent and critical. Afghanistan alone, without international assistance, does not have the capacity to manage returns on this scale.”

Earlier, Zabihullah Mujahid said at an event in Kabul that nearly two million migrants had returned to the country from Pakistan, Iran, and Türkiye over the past year.

Egeland: Aid Cuts, Lack of Diplomatic Engagement Deepen Afghans’ Sufferings
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NGO chief sees ‘hypocrisy’ in Afghan women’s rights calls amid aid cuts

KABUL – The head of the Norwegian Refugee Council aid group, Jan Egeland, criticised on Thursday what he called the “hypocrisy” of countries demanding rights for Afghan women while cutting humanitarian assistance.

Afghanistan has seen a sharp decline in international aid since 2021, when the Taliban authorities returned to power. They have since imposed a series of rules limiting women’s access to education and public life.

In an interview with AFP in Kabul, Egeland said that it was right of foreign countries “to demand, like we do, education for Afghan girls, work rights for Afghan women”.

“But it is hypocrisy when one does that from abroad in a seminar in some capital in Europe and cut aid for food to Afghan girls and even for primary education for Afghan girls,” he said.

International aid to Afghanistan has dropped sharply, with the United Nations saying it had received less than 30 percent of the funding needed to provide life-saving assistance as of late August.

The humanitarian situation has been further worsened by several natural disasters and the forced return of millions of Afghans from Iran and Pakistan since 2023.

Acute child malnutrition has reached critical levels this year, affecting around one million children, UNICEF warned in August.

“The funding cuts are disastrous for the girls and the women of Afghanistan and those who believe that it is a good thing punishing the Taliban by taking away aid from the Afghan people, as some seem to believe, haven’t understood anything of the realities here,” said Egeland, who was touring his organisation’s projects across Afghanistan.

The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) employs around 400 people, including women, in the country, providing food aid, education, shelter and protection for vulnerable communities.

Egeland said the NRC was forced to lay off “female aid workers and female teachers on the primary school level for girls because we don’t have enough money”.

Some 175 centres offering services related to combatting gender-based violence have shut down due to a lack of funding in the first six months of this year, affecting 1 million people, according to the UN.

An Afghan woman working for an international humanitarian group told AFP this week that “when you see the cuts every year in aid, you start to feel hopeless”.

“These organisations are one of the last opportunities for us” to work, said the woman, requesting anonymity for security reasons.

– Education ‘now’ –

Since returning to power in 2021, the Taliban authorities have banned girls from attending high school and university, while also imposing restrictions on women’s access to public life and employment.

It is the only country in the world where girls’ education is banned after primary school.

“My message to Taliban authorities… is by not giving education to girls beyond primary school you will have a catastrophe on your hand,” Egeland said.

“There will be no skilled Afghan female teachers, nurses, doctors, midwives in the future.”

“It’s a basic universal right to have education,” he said. “We need it now and we should have it now.”

He called on governments in Europe and North America and elsewhere to reopen embassies in Afghanistan and engage with the Taliban authorities — whose rule is only officially recognised by Russia.

Egeland said action does not mean recognising the Taliban government, but rather “our appeal is… come here and engage with us” to “demand rights for women and girls, but also offer assistance to women and girls”.

“We are on the front lines now of humanity here and we the humanitarian groups feel utterly alone,” he said.

NGO chief sees ‘hypocrisy’ in Afghan women’s rights calls amid aid cuts
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The Virtual Girl: One woman’s digital life under the Emirate

Roxanna Shapour

Afghanistan Analysts Network

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As opportunities have narrowed for women and girls outside the home – under the Islamic Emirate’s many restrictions – many have turned to the internet to try to replace what they have lost. In this instalment of The Daily Hustle, Roxanna Shapour hears from Sayeda, a young Afghan woman in Kabul who not only studies and works from home, but also volunteers. She has even established a network to help other women earn an income and build a sense of purpose. Yet even as the internet has become a lifeline, Sayeda’s story shows the limits of this virtual world. Poor connectivity and security concerns constrain what she can do. Nevertheless, she has persisted with her online activities, continuing to learn and create opportunities for herself and other women.

Entrepreneurs take part in business development training at a women’s centre in Parwan province. Photo: UN Women/Ali Omid Taqdisyan, January 2025

My name is Sayeda. I’m a young Afghan woman and I live much of my life online. I tell people I’m a virtual girl because almost everything I do happens in the virtual world. I study online, volunteer online and socialise online. I get training online and give training to other people online. I even search online for things I need to buy. I even have a job that is entirely online.

But life wasn’t always like this.

When I lived in the physical world 

When the Taliban came back to power in August 2021, I’d just finished college and started working for an NGO in Kabul. For six months, I got a taste of what life with a career and a purpose would be like. I worked in an office every day and as part of my job, I moved around a lot. I visited project sites, including a school and a clinic, where I’d talk to staff and monitor their work. When there was an aid distribution, I’d go along to see what was happening and talk to the people receiving it. I worked with six other women and when we had some free time, we’d sit together, joke around or have long conversations about our plans and dreams for the future. One of my colleagues wanted to create a clothing brand and sometimes we’d meet in a café to talk about her plans. She’s now started an online clothing business and, like me, she lives online.

Afghan families are protective of their daughters, so even before the Taliban, I couldn’t just go wherever I wanted. I had to ask my parents if I could go out with friends. They’d want to know where I was going, how I’d get there and when I’d be back. I had to be home before dark and there were places they didn’t want me to go. Still, compared to now, I led a very mobile and active life. I was always meeting people, seeing and learning new things. I’d go shopping with friends, meet them in cafés and visit them at home. There were family outings too, especially on Fridays, when relatives and friends joined us for picnics, meals in restaurants or visits to each other’s homes.

Now, that’s all a thing of the past. Many of our friends and relatives have left Afghanistan. The friends I used to meet for coffee or shopping are scattered across the world and the colleagues I used to sit with and discuss our plans aren’t part of my everyday life anymore. Those who are still here are struggling financially. You can’t just invite people to a restaurant as you did before because there’s often an expectation that they’ll reciprocate and many people can’t afford it anymore.

It’s funny, the internet gives you access to the whole world, but for me, the world feels a lot smaller these days.

A butterfly that can go anywhere

In the early days after the Taliban came to power, some friends and I started helping other young Afghans find educational opportunities. We’d organise motivational sessions and show people how to find scholarships and apply to universities. Eventually, we had to stop because our work was attracting a lot of attention. Drawing attention to yourself as a woman doing this kind of work can feel unsafe and my family was worried. Now, I volunteer online for an NGO that helps Afghan women find higher education opportunities. I manage its scholarship database, looking for opportunities in different countries and adding them so that women in the programme can find them.

But I kept thinking I could do more.

As part of my job, I talk to women in different provinces about their lives, their work, their families and their economic situation. I’ve spoken to women who’ve lost their jobs and women who are trying to keep their businesses going despite all the difficulties. Those conversations made me think about how I could help women not only earn an income but also find a sense of purpose. That’s why, in 2026, I founded the Behbud Network.

Behbud means improvement and that’s what I want the network to offer women – the chance to improve their lives by working, earning and building something of their own. Our logo is a butterfly. I chose it because the butterfly is free. It can go anywhere without restrictions. It goes to beautiful places and when people see it, they feel happy and at peace. We’re still small and self-funded and everyone’s a volunteer. But we already have around thirty women in our network – founders, entrepreneurs and businesswomen trying to establish or expand their businesses. Eventually, I hope we’ll have a hundred members or more.

We recently organised an online training session on networking with around fifty participants and we’re hoping to launch a monthly podcast where women can talk about their experiences so that other Afghan women can learn from them. We communicate on WhatsApp and by email and have a shared workspace on Google Drive. We can share documents, add comments and ideas and see what other team members are working on, even though we’re far apart. Some of us have worked together since 2021 without ever meeting face-to-face. We live in different provinces, but online we can meet whenever we need to.

But working online doesn’t mean we feel completely free or safe. Before I organise something, I have to think about what might happen. Before I invite someone to join us, I have to think about who they are. Before I share something, I have to think about who might see it. I have to think about security, not just my own but also the security of the other women who take part in our activities. I worry all the time about who’s in an online group. We’ve heard rumours that WhatsApp groups or online networks have been infiltrated, so we always have to worry that someone we don’t know very well could find their way into our workspace or group chats and create problems for us.

More than just earning money

I want Behbud to create opportunities for women to work and not only to earn an income. Work gives you something beyond money – a sense of purpose, something to do and something to build. We’re still in the start-up phase. Our first idea is a pickle-making business, but we haven’t hired women or produced anything for sale yet. We don’t have outside funding, so I’ll have to start with some of my own money. Even something as physical as a bottle of pickles starts online. When I need bottles or other materials, I search for them online, contact the vendors online and either arrange for samples to be sent to me or ask one of my brothers to pick them up.

Eventually, I want us to sell our products across Afghanistan. When somebody buys a bottle of our pickles, I don’t want them to feel they’ve only bought pickles. I want the packaging to have motivational messages and maybe a small gift, something that gives our customers some positive energy. Later, I’d like Behbud to develop other businesses, maybe making soap or disinfectants. I’d rather have different businesses employing different women so we can create more opportunities, especially for women who’ve lost their jobs and women who’ve returned to Afghanistan and need a way to earn an income.

Looking for ways to keep learning

I was applying for graduate school when the Taliban came back to power. I wanted to do a master’s degree abroad, but opportunities for Afghans have kept narrowing. Now, I can’t simply decide what I want to study and where. When you’re living in Afghanistan and you’re an Afghan woman, you have to look at what opportunities are available. This also happens online – searching for programmes, preparing applications and attending university interviews. I’ve been accepted into a master’s programme in human rights and data science at the American University of Paris. I was even offered a 50 per cent scholarship, but I’ve had to defer my place until 2027 while I look for a way to pay for the rest of the costs.

I keep learning other things online too. This year, I started learning Arabic and Turkish on Duolingo and I’m also taking some business courses. I don’t join every course I find. There are plenty of certificates available, but that’s not what interests me. I’m looking for quality, not certificates.

Like a party on Zoom

The internet isn’t only where I work and study. It’s also how I keep up with my friends. We stay in touch through Instagram, Facebook Messenger and WhatsApp and sometimes have group video calls – like a party on Zoom. That doesn’t happen very often. We’re in different time zones and finding a time when everyone’s awake, not working and not busy is no small feat. But every couple of months, we try to get together online and catch up. That’s what I do for fun. Otherwise, fun isn’t something I have very much of these days. I’m almost always busy with work. But sometimes I watch films online or spend time with my family.

Going out isn’t so simple anymore

I do have a very busy virtual life, but in the physical world I hardly go anywhere – maybe once or twice a month. When I do go out, I worry about the restrictions on women’s movement and dress and how they might be enforced. I try to wear everything in black – clothes, shoes, socks and scarf. I even wear a black mask, so my face is completely covered. I like wearing colourful clothes, so wearing all black feels suffocating, as if I’m in mourning. It’s not only Amr bil-Maruf [the enforcers from the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice) that I worry about. Taliban soldiers are everywhere in the city and we hear stories about them stopping women. Family members tell us what they’ve seen a girl in a taxi without a mahram, for example, being stopped by a Taliban soldier. So when I have to go somewhere, I take my mother – because my father and brothers have their own work and responsibilities and she’s often the only person available. It’s not easy for her. She has trouble with her knees and sitting in a car for a long time is difficult. Recently, I had to go to an office to fill out some paperwork. My mother had to come with me. She waited outside in the blistering heat while I filled out the forms. When we got home, she was unwell and had a headache. I felt terrible. I was making my mother suffer just because I needed somebody to come with me on an ordinary trip to an office.

Under the Republic, I could’ve gone on my own. I’d have taken a taxi and wouldn’t have had to worry about having a mahram or wearing the right clothes. Now even arranging a work meeting can become impossible. I once wanted to work with two other people to set up an online platform about climate change. One of the co-founders was a man. We needed to meet in person to discuss the project, but we couldn’t find a safe way to do it. We thought about meeting in a restaurant or café, but worried the Taliban might question why we were sitting together when we weren’t related. In the end, we didn’t meet. And the project never got off the ground.

The day the internet disappeared 

Leading a virtual life has its own challenges. The internet in Afghanistan isn’t very reliable. I recently changed providers because my old connection wasn’t good enough. I’m now paying 1,800 afghanis [USD 26] a month for a faster connection, but even that isn’t always reliable. Sometimes I have an important meeting or training session and the connection’s so poor I can’t join. Sometimes I can’t turn on my camera or even get a voice connection. I mostly use mobile data for important meetings because it’s more reliable. We recently held a training webinar and I wanted to upload the recording to YouTube, but the connection was too slow. I still haven’t managed to upload it.

And I know what happens when the internet disappears altogether. At the end of September 2025, the internet went down across Afghanistan. Everything stopped. All my work stopped and all my communication stopped. I couldn’t work with colleagues, join meetings or communicate with the people I normally speak to online. When so much of your life depends on being connected, life stops when the connection stops. And for this virtual girl, life stopped.

This is not the life I chose

The internet gives me access to a world far beyond my home. I can find scholarships, courses, possible collaborators and even buy supplies. I can help other women find opportunities and talk to friends thousands of kilometres away. Recently, I had an online meeting with the head of an organisation in Canada. He was there and I was in Kabul, but we could sit down together online and talk about working together. Almost everything I’ve built depends on the internet. My work, my network, my studies – without it, it’d be like multiplying everything I’ve achieved by zero.

But this online life wasn’t my choice. My choice would’ve been to lead a rich, active life in the physical world, to have something tangible. I want to meet people in person. If I’m talking to a friend or contact in Mazar-e Sharif or Herat, I want to be able to go there, meet them and work with them.

I don’t want to make light of what the internet’s given me. I’ve learned important things from this online life. It’s given me knowledge, skills and confidence. It’s given me the courage to carry out ideas, share them and make plans.

But telling you my story has made me cry. I thought about what my life was like before, what I’d want it to be in the future and what all the women in the rest of the world have that Afghan women don’t. Here, you don’t have choices. You don’t even own yourself. You don’t have a real identity, only a virtual one.

Edited by Kate Clark

 

The Virtual Girl: One woman’s digital life under the Emirate
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25 Years After 9/11, Al-Qaeda Remains Active in Afghanistan as Global Network Shifts, Report Says

Khaama Press

Twenty-five years after the September 11, 2001 attacks, al-Qaeda continues to operate inside Afghanistan, but global jihadism has evolved into a decentralized network spread across Africa, the Middle East and South Asia, according to a new assessment by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED).

The report says Afghanistan is no longer the undisputed center of global jihadist activity, even though al-Qaeda still enjoys what it describes as a permissive operating environment under the Taliban. Instead, the group’s affiliates and offshoots have expanded across multiple conflict zones, with the Sahel region of Africa and Somalia emerging as the most active hubs of al-Qaeda-linked violence.

Afghanistan remains a permissive base for al-Qaeda

Pearl Pandya, ACLED’s Senior Analyst for South Asia, said Afghanistan remains strategically important because the Taliban returned to power in August 2021 while continuing to provide space for al-Qaeda-linked operatives.

According to the report, al-Qaeda’s role inside Afghanistan is now focused largely on providing training, logistical support and operational guidance to allied militant groups rather than directing international attacks from Afghan territory.

ACLED says Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) has shown signs of renewed activity, citing a car bombing in New Delhi in November 2025 and reported attempts to establish militant cells in Bangladesh.

The report also identifies the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Ittehad-ul-Mujahideen Pakistan (IMP) among groups receiving support from al-Qaeda networks operating from Afghanistan.

Regional security risks extend beyond Afghanistan

ACLED says Pakistan has become one of the countries facing the greatest security threat from militants based in or linked to Afghanistan.

The report says TTP attacks during 2026 have exceeded violence levels recorded during the same period in 2025, contributing to one of Pakistan’s deadliest security crises in more than a decade.

Analysts say the Afghan Taliban’s alleged tolerance or support for anti-Pakistan militant groups contributed to prolonged border tensions and armed clashes between Afghanistan and Pakistan during 2026.

The Taliban have repeatedly denied allowing militant groups to use Afghanistan territory to threaten neighboring countries.

Al-Qaeda’s strongest affiliates are now in Africa

While Afghanistan remains an operational sanctuary, ACLED says al-Qaeda’s most violent affiliates are now concentrated in Africa.

The report identifies Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) in the Sahel and al-Shabaab in Somalia as the organization’s most active branches.

According to ACLED, JNIM has expanded from northern Mali into Burkina Faso, Niger, Benin, Togo and Nigeria, while al-Shabaab accounted for nearly half of all violence involving al-Qaeda affiliates recorded globally during 2026.

Analysts say these groups have become deeply embedded in local conflicts, allowing them to expand despite years of international counterterrorism operations.

Syria and Iraq show how al-Qaeda fractured

The report argues that Iraq and Syria demonstrate how al-Qaeda lost control over some of its most powerful affiliates.

It says the Islamic State emerged after breaking away from al-Qaeda’s Iraqi branch, while Syria’s Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) eventually severed ties with al-Qaeda to pursue its own local political and military agenda.

ACLED says these developments transformed global jihadism from a movement directed by one central leadership into competing organizations pursuing different regional objectives.

Taliban still lack international recognition

The report comes as the Taliban continue seeking broader international engagement while remaining internationally isolated.

Although the Taliban have repeatedly said they will not allow Afghanistan to become a base for attacks against other countries, the United Nations and several governments have continued to express concern about the presence of al-Qaeda and other extremist groups inside Afghanistan.

Nearly five years after returning to power, the Taliban have not been formally recognized by most countries, and international concerns over terrorism remain one of the main obstacles to Afghanistan’s normalization with the global community.

25 Years After 9/11, Al-Qaeda Remains Active in Afghanistan as Global Network Shifts, Report Says
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Aid Cuts Shut 600 Health Facilities Across Afghanistan, Affecting 4 Million

Khaama Press
September 9, 2026

Severe cuts in humanitarian funding have forced hundreds of health facilities across Afghanistan to close or scale back services, leaving millions of people with reduced access to essential medical care, according to reports.

Al Jazeera reported on Wednesday, citing new findings from Save the Children, reported that about 600 essential healthcare facilities have been forced to close as international aid to Afghanistan has sharply declined. Around 4 million people, including roughly 2 million children, had previously relied on the affected services.

The closures have hit people in remote and underserved areas particularly hard, where alternative healthcare facilities are often far away and difficult to reach. UNICEF warned that funding shortages have forced some health centres and nutrition sites to scale back or shut down, leaving vulnerable children and families without timely care.

The World Health Organization has separately reported that at least 422 primary healthcare facilities, including mobile health and nutrition teams, were closed in 2025 following the suspension of U.S. funding and reductions from other donors. WHO estimates the closures reduced access to healthcare for about 3.3 million Afghans and disrupted services including maternal care and family planning.

Afghanistan’s health system remains heavily dependent on international financing. WHO estimates that 14.4 million people will require health assistance in 2026, amid the combined pressures of poverty, displacement, disease outbreaks, food insecurity and climate-related disasters.

The funding crisis has also intensified concerns over child malnutrition. Save the Children reported that nearly 4 million Afghan children are acutely malnourished, with the closure or reduction of health and nutrition services making it harder for children to receive timely treatment. UNICEF has warned that interruptions in treatment can cause severely malnourished children to deteriorate rapidly.

The crisis is further complicated by the return of millions of Afghans from neighbouring countries, which has placed additional pressure on an already fragile health system, particularly in border areas. WHO said large-scale returns from Pakistan and Iran are overwhelming some health facilities and increasing demand for medical services.

Humanitarian agencies have called for urgent and flexible funding to restore and maintain essential health services. Without additional support, aid organisations warn that more facilities could close or reduce operations, leaving vulnerable Afghans with fewer options for basic healthcare.

Aid Cuts Shut 600 Health Facilities Across Afghanistan, Affecting 4 Million
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Pakistan’s Decision to Expel Afghan Medical Students Sparks Reactions

Mr. Mujahid said that the Ministry of Higher Education is prepared to facilitate the continuation of these students’ education inside Afghanistan.

Pakistan’s decision to expel Afghan medical students from universities in the country has sparked widespread reactions.

The spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan described Pakistan’s move as regrettable and urged Islamabad to reconsider its decision.

Mr. Mujahid said that the Ministry of Higher Education is prepared to facilitate the continuation of these students’ education inside Afghanistan.

Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, said: “This action is regrettable and inhumane. First, we call for the decision to be reconsidered, and second, the Ministry of Higher Education is prepared to enable the students to resume their studies from where they were interrupted.”

The Embassy of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan in Islamabad has also called on Pakistani educational institutions and international organizations to take action to protect the educational rights of Afghan students.

The embassy stressed that knowledge, education and human ties should not be affected by political differences.

Sardar Ahmad Shakib, the Islamic Emirate’s ambassador in Islamabad, said: “Most of these medical students came at Pakistan’s request and on scholarships. Depriving them of education under these sensitive circumstances will affect their lives.”

Meanwhile, Amnesty International described the decision by the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council as “blatantly discriminatory and arbitrary.”

The organization said the consequences of the decision would be serious, particularly for Afghan female students, and urged Pakistan to find a humane solution that would allow them to continue their education.

The move has also drawn strong reactions in Pakistan. Asif Durrani, Pakistan’s former special representative for Afghanistan, described the expulsion of Afghan medical students, particularly young women, as “shocking.”

Pakistani politician Mohsin Dawar also described the decision as “shameful and inhumane.”

Amnesty International wrote: “Under international human rights law, Pakistan is obligated to guarantee the right to education without discrimination based on national origin. Amnesty International calls on Pakistani authorities to adopt a humane and practical solution that allows Afghan students, including women and girls, to complete their education.”

Sediq Shariati, head of the students’ union in Pakistan, said: “Afghan students in Pakistan are facing an uncertain future. They are experiencing psychological distress and do not know what will ultimately happen.”

Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper, citing Foreign Ministry spokesperson Sajjad Haider Khan, reported that requests to extend the visas of Afghan students are still being reviewed by Pakistani authorities. The newspaper added that the process continues “in accordance with existing policies, laws and regulations.” According to reports, however, the decision affects nearly 1,000 Afghan students.

Pakistan’s Decision to Expel Afghan Medical Students Sparks Reactions
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‘One day the Taliban will need women to be educated’: three sisters on being forced back to Afghanistan

The Guardian

It was a warm summer afternoon on 15 August 2021 when the Taliban entered Kabul and changed the lives of millions. Shallah*, then 16, watched the news at home on the Afghan TV channel Tolo news. She ran crying to the garden, to tell her mother that Afghanistan had fallen.

Her younger sister, Fatimah*, then 11, was at her cousin’s house, where her aunt told her the news. At the time, she says, she did not understand what a takeover meant, or who the Taliban were. Her elder sister, Maahi*, then 22, was well aware of the consequences and remembers her hands shaking at work as she read the news on her phone, on Facebook pages of Afghan news.

At that point the three sisters were living thousands of kilometres away in Qom, a city in central Iran, their family having left Afghanistan six years earlier because of the growing violence and a desire for the girls to grow up in peace. But the family had entered the country illegally and knew they could be arrested or deported at any time.

At first the older sisters tried to convince themselves that if the worst happened, maybe things would not be so bad for women and girls under the Taliban. Perhaps, they thought, these Taliban were different from the ones of the late 1990s, who had implemented a systematic denial of women’s rights that gave rise to the concept of gender apartheid. Twenty years had passed, and the Taliban was now making reassuring promises of women’s rights and girls’ education.

But inside Afghanistan, others were not so sure. Millions have fled to Pakistan and Iran over the past decade, with the numbers accelerating after the Taliban takeover. By the end of last year, there were an estimated 1.4 million undocumented Afghans living illegally in Iran, alongside a further 3 million living there with visas, residency permits or legal refugee status.

Mass deportations from both countries over the past year have seen more than 1 million people forced back to life under the Taliban, with about 400,000 Afghans deported from Iran since the start of the year.

The three sisters were born in Iran, but their parents brought them back to Afghanistan in about 2010 to allow Maahi and her brother to study. At the time, Iran did not allow undocumented Afghan children to remain in education past primary school.

Maahi remembers the strange feelings she had – a mix of happiness to come back home but fearful of leaving the only life she had known until then. At 11 years old, she did not yet understand the war between the US-led coalition and the Taliban.

By 2017, the ongoing war and attacks on civilians convinced her parents to leave again for Iran, to keep their children safe. Maahi was in her last year of high school, and wanted to study to become a journalist. She admired two Afghan journalists: Yama Siawash, who has since been assassinated, and Farahnaz Forotan, who now lives in exile.

The Iranian authorities had relaxed their policy regarding Afghan refugees’ access to schools and published an edict allowing them, even if undocumented, to study in Iran until the end of high school.

Maahi was overjoyed, until she realised that the authorities had put an age limit on this: she was 21 by then, as it had taken her two years to get the educational papers allowing her to study, but only Afghans below the age of 20 could study in Iranian schools. She was forced to start work to support her parents while her younger sisters went to school.

But studying for the first time at a school in Iran, Fatimah, the youngest sister, then five, says she was shocked by the treatment of Afghan children. “When we took our exams, Iranian students always got higher grades than Afghan students, and the principal would find any excuse to criticise the Afghans’ uniforms, never the Iranians’,” she says.

“Because we were undocumented, if we did something that the principal did not like, they threatened to expel us, saying they could drop us from school as they wished,” she says.

Shallah also joined an Iranian school and was a bright student, but this did not stop her from being insulted, including being called “afghani” – the name of the currency – instead of Afghan. She cried at the bus stop and hid the harassment from her parents.

She says she finished top of her class at the age of 12 and was meant to receive a prize. But when she stood up in front of the school and the official realised she was Afghan, the school principal said there had been a mistake, and instead gave the prize to the second-best student, an Iranian girl.

Shallah was among the last Afghan girls to benefit from the edict allowing Afghans to go to school. Fatimah was still in grade 8 (aged 14) when the edict expired in 2025. As she was about to start a new semester, she says the principal came to their class and informed them that only Iranians and documented Afghans would be allowed to register to continue.

The end of the edict last year coincided with a wave of anti-Afghan xenophobia and Iranian authorities’ accusations that Afghans had helped Israel in its attacks against the country.

The authorities intensified arrests and deportations and in May this year, their father was detained while at work. When Maahi and their mother went to look for him at the police station, they were arrested too, with the whole family later deported.

The sisters and their family have now settled in Herat, the city closest to the Iranian border in western Afghanistan. But any earlier hopes Maahi had for a more tolerant Taliban movement have long faded away. Women and girls have been barred from nearly every aspect of public life: schools, universities, most jobs and even parks.

The sisters say they now mostly stay at home, fearful of the Taliban “morality police” and its crackdown on what they deem inappropriate clothing. At least two people, including a boy, were killed by security forces in Herat province in June after protests over the arrests of women accused of violating dress code.

Despite the ban on schooling, the three girls do manage to attend unofficial private classes. The family are using their savings to pay the monthly fees of 2,500 afghani (£28) for the three sisters. It cannot award them diplomas, but the sisters say it keeps them focused on a future in which they might be able to resume their studies.

Maahi, the eldest sister, studies German, and says she hopes she can one day finish high school and emigrate there.

“I am not one to wait for what the future will bring me,” she says. “I am one to make my future by chasing opportunities.”

Shallah, the only one of the sisters who finished high school, says she is considering applying to an overseas university, with the hope of bringing her family with her. “For now, going to these classes [at the academy] gives me a little hope to go to university one day. Without this hope, my life would have ended by now.”

The youngest sister, Fatimah, recently sent her school certificates to the Iranian authorities to ask for help to return, but has had no response. She says she still hopes things will change in Afghanistan.

“I believe that one day, the Taliban will need the women to be educated. They will need women doctors to treat the sick and pregnant women of their family. So they will have no choice but to allow us to study eventually.”

* Names have been changed to protect their identities

‘One day the Taliban will need women to be educated’: three sisters on being forced back to Afghanistan
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Afghanistan is the only country that bars girls past sixth grade. New research shows they are still learning.

Findings from 2,612 Afghan respondents, released Tuesday (Sept. 8) on International Literacy Day, describe girls and young women studying through private courses, online lessons, borrowed phones and small study circles organized among friends. The research was presented by Benazir Poya, head of Anar Academy, at a global virtual event hosted by the International Society for Human Rights (ISHR) and moderated by its secretary general, Dr. Matthias Boehning.

Poya was careful to say the alternatives are not a substitute. Informal learning “can preserve hope,” she said, but it cannot restore the right to an education.

The event, “Denied the Right to Learn: Educational Continuity, Human Rights and Human Security in Afghanistan,” also drew speakers from Human Rights Watch and UNICEF, along with Afghan students who joined from inside the country on weak connections.

The Taliban took control of Afghanistan in August 2021 as United States forces completed their withdrawal. Within weeks, girls were barred from returning to secondary school. In December 2022, universities were closed to women as well.

The Taliban’s then education minister, Nida Mohammad Nadim, defended that decision at the time, saying women had failed to observe strict dress requirements and that certain fields of study did not fit Afghan tradition. “Girls should learn, but not in areas that go against Islam and Afghan honor,” he told an Afghan broadcaster, according to reporting by The Associated Press. He said universities would reopen for women once the concerns were addressed. They have not.

Further restrictions followed: on employment, on travel without a male relative, on public parks, gyms and bathhouses.

Improvised education

Anar Academy, based in Germany, gathered its responses in the second half of March 2026 from 30 provinces, with most respondents inside Afghanistan and a smaller group who had left. Poya said the picture that emerged was not one of empty days but of improvised ones.

Girls have turned to language classes, tailoring and skills courses, and above all to whatever can be delivered over a phone, she said. Some reported no learning at all.

Nearly all respondents said they had a phone or laptop. Far fewer said their connection was dependable. Online study keeps a rhythm going, Poya said — contact with a teacher, subjects to work through, other students to talk to — but it produces no diploma, no route into a university, and no guarantee of a quiet or private place to sit and work at home.

She pointed to consequences that reach well past the syllabus. Learners described stalled futures, shrinking social contact and steady psychological strain. The effects touch household income, health and dignity, she said, not only schooling.

Poya asked that the persistence documented in the survey not be misread as a sign that the situation is tolerable. Resilience, she said, “is not evidence of adequacy. It’s evidence of agency.”

Anar Academy’s recommendations begin with the unconditional reopening of secondary schools and universities to girls and women. Beyond that, Poya called for safeguards protecting online learners’ privacy and safety; recognition by universities abroad of accredited online study, including transcripts and admission pathways; and funding committed over several years rather than in short grants. She noted that respondents were reached through the internet, so the survey speaks for connected learners rather than for the country as a whole.

The briefing paper is the first of a planned series. Anar Academy and ISHR intend to track the same questions over time.

‘It will not stay in Afghanistan’

Fereshta Abbasi, a researcher in the Asia Division at Human Rights Watch, addressed the event by pre-recorded video.

Afghanistan has signed both the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the convention on discrimination against women, Abbasi said, and the Taliban as de facto authorities are bound by those commitments. She described the education ban as one part of a wider pattern that Human Rights Watch identified in a September 2023 report as the crime against humanity of gender persecution. The organization called on the International Criminal Court to investigate; the court issued arrest warrants for Taliban leaders on gender persecution charges last year.

Abbasi warned against treating the situation as ordinary. “What is happening in Afghanistan will not stay in Afghanistan,” she said, arguing that the rollback of women’s rights in one country weakens them everywhere.

The women affected are not an abstraction, she said. Some were months from finishing school in August 2021; others were already teaching or earning. Many now live with depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress.

Abbasi set out a series of steps for governments and United Nations bodies, from humanitarian funding to accountability mechanisms. But her closing appeal was aimed at what individuals can do: Talk about Afghan women and girls, she said, and do not let the rest of the world forget them.

Education among wider decline in human rights

The restrictions on education sit within a broader legal shift. Christian Daily International reported in February, republishing coverage from The Christian Post, that the Taliban’s supreme leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, had signed a new criminal procedure code that divides Afghan society into ranked categories and prescribes different punishments for the same offence depending on a person’s status.

Legal analysts and rights groups quoted in that reporting said the code’s language distinguishing free persons from slaves amounts to treating slavery as a lawful category, and that it strips out basic protections such as access to a lawyer.

United Nations officials described the code as part of a system of gender apartheid.

A rights crisis and a learning crisis

Tomoko Shibuya, senior adviser for education at UNICEF, joined from Nairobi and set the survey findings against national figures. UNICEF estimates that 3.8 million girls aged 7 to 18 were out of school in 2024, including more than 2.6 million adolescents, she said.

She added a second problem that receives less attention. A 2025 assessment found that 93% of Afghan children, boys as well as girls, cannot read and understand a simple age-appropriate sentence by the end of primary school. Afghanistan, in Shibuya’s words, is dealing with a rights crisis and a learning crisis at the same time.

That combination matters for what comes next, she said. Girls pushed into informal study have often had only a few years of foundational schooling to build on, which limits how far self-directed learning can carry them.

Shibuya cautioned against admiring the resilience without acting on it. “Girls should not have to shoulder the risk and responsibility of their education,” she said.

Only the de facto authorities can lift the ban, she said. In the meantime, she set out three priorities: Afghan-led community learning spaces that include psychosocial support and practical skills; investment in early and primary education so children gain at least seven years of solid schooling; and digital learning designed for low bandwidth and offline use, so that poor connectivity does not exclude girls a second time.

Marco Mantovanelli of the Global Partnership for Education addressed the financing side, noting that education has historically received only a small share of humanitarian funding worldwide — roughly 2% to 4% — and that continuity cannot be sustained on short grants. His organization works through partner agencies on the ground rather than through the Taliban administration, he said, directing funds to community-based and remedial classes.

Boehning closed by asking Poya what keeps her from concluding that Afghanistan’s girls are a lost generation. Poya, who completed a master’s degree before the restrictions and now lives in Germany with two young children, said she treats the education she received as an obligation to those denied it. Her students, she said, should not be left with the impression that no one is on their side.

Afghanistan is the only country that bars girls past sixth grade. New research shows they are still learning.
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