By Riham Alkousaa
URGENCY
Reporting by Riham Alkousaa Editing by Miranda Murray and Gareth Jones
Reporting by Riham Alkousaa Editing by Miranda Murray and Gareth Jones
Islamabad, Pakistan – With clasped hands and half-smiles, the foreign ministers of Pakistan, China and Afghanistan’s ruling Taliban posed as they gathered in Kabul on Wednesday for a trilateral meeting.
It was the second such meeting between Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Pakistan’s Ishaq Dar and their Afghan counterpart Amir Khan Muttaqi in 12 weeks, after they huddled together in Beijing in May.
That May meeting had led to the resumption of diplomatic ties between Pakistan and Afghanistan after a period of high tension between them. It also set the stage for talks on extending the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) – a part of China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – into Afghanistan. The BRI is a network of ports, railroads and highways aimed at connecting Asia, Africa and Europe.
But as China plans to expand its footprint in the region, its attempts to forge peace between Pakistan and Afghanistan reflect its unease over the security of its interests even along the existing CPEC, say analysts.
And while Beijing is a vital partner to both Islamabad and Kabul, experts believe its influence over both remains untested, as does China’s willingness to take on the risks that it might confront if it seeks to bring Pakistan and the Taliban, once thick allies but now embittered neighbours, back into a trusted embrace, they say.
Shifting regional dynamics
The Beijing conclave took place under the shadow of a four-day conflict between Pakistan and India, but much has changed since then on the regional chessboard.
In recent months, Pakistan – long seen as China’s closest ally and reliant on its northeastern neighbour for military and economic support – has strengthened ties with the United States, Beijing’s main global rival.
China, for its part, has resumed engagement with India, Pakistan’s arch adversary and its key competitor for regional influence. India has also continued to deepen ties with the Afghan Taliban, who have ruled Afghanistan since August 2021, following the withdrawal of US forces.
Amid this, China has positioned itself as mediator, a role driven largely by the CPEC, the $62bn infrastructure project running from the Pakistan-China border in the north to Gwadar Port in Balochistan.
A senior Pakistani diplomat with direct knowledge of the recent Pakistani interactions with their Chinese and Afghan counterparts said China, as a common neighbour, places a premium on neighbourhood diplomacy. For China, he added, a peaceful neighbourhood is essential.
“China has attached high importance to stability and security to pursue and expand its larger BRI project, so expansion of westward connectivity and development can only succeed when, among others, these two countries are stabilised,” the official told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity.
“Development and connectivity cannot be achieved in the absence of security. Hence its efforts to bring the two neighbours together,” he added.
CPEC, launched in 2015 under then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, elder brother of current Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, has been hailed by many in Pakistan as a “game-changer” for the country – a giant investment with the potential to create jobs and build the economy.
But the project has slowed down in recent years. Later this month, Prime Minister Sharif is expected to travel to China to formally launch the second phase of the CPEC.
While political upheaval has hampered progress, China’s primary concerns remain the safety of infrastructure and the security of its nationals, who have frequently been targeted.
Separatist groups in Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest but poorest province, have long attacked Chinese personnel and installations, accusing them of exploiting local resources. Attacks on Chinese citizens have also occurred in Pakistan’s north.
Nearly 20,000 Chinese nationals currently live in Pakistan, according to government figures. Since 2021, at least 20 have been killed in attacks across the country.
Stella Hong Zhang, assistant professor at Indiana University Bloomington in the US, said China has long wanted to bring Afghanistan into the CPEC, to expand the project’s scope and to promote regional integration.
But Zhang, whose research focuses on China’s global development engagement, said it is unclear how convinced Beijing is about investing in either Afghanistan or Pakistan.
![The trilateral meet in Kabul was sixth iteration of the forum, with last formal meeting taking place in May 2023. [Wang Yi, Amir Khan Muttaqi and Ishaq Dar met in Kabul on August 20 for the trilateral dialogue among foreign ministers of China, Afghanistan and Pakistan. [Handout/Pakistan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/b9a9b174-679d-49b3-91c3-298e5f4b08ea-1755730427.jpeg?w=770&resize=770%2C513&quality=80)
“China might promise investments, but even though we are seeing actions on China’s diplomacy front,” she told Al Jazeera, it is uncertain whether officials in the two nations “will be able to convince China’s state-owned enterprises and banks to invest in further projects in both countries, given CPEC’s disappointing track record and the substantial risks in both countries”.
For Muhammad Faisal, a South Asia security researcher at the University of Technology Sydney, improvement in Pakistan’s internal security is paramount for China.
“This concern is what guides Beijing’s push for improvement in Pak-Afghan bilateral ties since the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is operating from the Afghan soil, while Baloch militant groups have also found space in Afghanistan,” he told Al Jazeera.
“Through high-level trilateral talks, Beijing is aiming to narrow Islamabad-Kabul differences and also urge both sides to address each other’s security concerns to avert a breakdown of ties,” he added.
Pakistan Taliban, also known as TTP, founded in 2007, is a group which is ideologically aligned with the Taliban in Afghanistan but operates independently both in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The Taliban has repeatedly rejected allegations that it allows its soil to be used for attacks against Pakistan and has consistently denied any ties with the TTP.
Since the Taliban seized power in August 2021, Pakistan has faced a sharp rise in violence, particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, both bordering Afghanistan.
Islamabad has repeatedly alleged that Afghan soil is being used by armed groups, especially the TTP, to launch attacks across the porous frontier.
Data from the Islamabad-based Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies (PICSS) shows that in the first six months of 2025, 502 fighter attacks killed 737 people, including 284 security personnel and 267 civilians.
Compared with the first half of 2024, fighter attacks rose 5 percent, deaths surged 121 percent, and injuries increased 84 percent, according to PICSS.
China, too, has also voiced concern over the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), accusing its fighters of using Afghan territory to launch attacks against China.
Abdul Basit, a research fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, said that since the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, China has emerged as South Asia’s main geopolitical player.
“Without addressing Pakistan’s Afghan-centric security concerns, BRI’s Pakistan component, CPEC, will remain underutilised and underdeveloped. Hence, China has started the trilateral to help Afghanistan and Pakistan resolve their security issues under a holistic policy which tries to isolate economy and diplomacy from security trouble,” he told Al Jazeera.
Faisal, of the University of Technology Sydney, added that China brings political weight, offering both diplomatic backing at multilateral organisations – particularly on counterterrorism – and the promise of economic inducements.
But he was cautious about Beijing’s long-term leverage. “Beyond underlining the importance of stability via enhanced security coordination between Pakistan and Afghanistan, the outcomes of China’s efforts have been limited, partially due to Beijing’s own security anxieties,” he said.
The senior Pakistani diplomat said China’s BRI and related projects have brought it leverage in Southeast Asia and Central Asia, and expressed optimism that Beijing could bring about change between Pakistan and Afghanistan “armed with the political, diplomatic, economic and financial tools”, even if results have so far been limited.
But will China act as mediator and guarantor between Pakistan and Afghanistan? The diplomat was sceptical.
“As for guarantorship, I’m not sure whether China is willing or keen to do so. It certainly can play that role because of a high degree of trust it enjoys, but whether it would do so or not remains to be seen,” he said.
Reporting from Deh-e Kuchay, Afghanistan
The New York Times
Aug. 21, 2025, 8:58 a.m. ET
Fifteen years after a combat photographer lost his legs to a land mine, he returned to the place in Afghanistan where it happened.
The village elder was out in his pasture, as he is every morning, crouched low in waist-high alfalfa. He ran his sickle through the thickets, and he and his grandsons gathered the plants into heaping bundles, lugging them on their backs to the two cows sheltered behind the walls of the family’s homestead.
The last time I was in this small farming community in southern Afghanistan, these simple tasks were impossible. The village was a front line in an interminable war. Buried beneath the earth was an endless arsenal of explosive devices, the Taliban’s weapon of choice against American forces.
“We were afraid of being killed, of explosions, and of bullets,” the elder, Haji Muhammed Zarif, 58, told me recently, his weathered features deepening as he squinted into the early sun.
One of those explosions he remembers distinctly. On Oct. 23, 2010, U.S. soldiers were searching Mr. Zarif’s apricot fields when a blast rang out in a nearby compound. A small cloud of smoke rose into the sky as he watched from a safe distance. Minutes later, a helicopter landed, and Mr. Zarif could see soldiers carrying someone toward it.
That distant figure, I told Mr. Zarif, had been me. While working as a photographer for The New York Times, I stepped on a land mine and lost both of my legs.
From the moment I picked up a camera again, I had wanted to return to this village, Deh-e Kuchay, in the fertile Arghandab Valley. That became possible after the war ended in 2021. And now, more than 30 years since my first visit to Afghanistan and nearly 15 years after my injury, I was allowed back, seeing the country as I had never seen it before: at peace.
I was here in search of closure, but not the emotional kind. I had unfinished journalistic business. My time in Afghanistan had ended abruptly. I had missed the U.S. withdrawal and the Taliban takeover, and I was sad that I had not seen the story through. But now I would pick it back up in a new chapter.
I had no idea what life would now be like under the Taliban, and was open to whatever I would see. I harbored no anger toward the Taliban. My legs had been lost to an act of violence, but I did not take it personally. The mine was buried for whoever came along first. I had not been surprised, after the war had killed or maimed so many, that I was next.
On that long-ago autumn day, I had been on a patrol with a platoon from Task Force 1-66 of the U.S. Army’s Fourth Infantry Division, documenting mine-removal operations with a Times correspondent, Carlotta Gall. It was the height of the American presence in southern Afghanistan, months into President Barack Obama’s troop “surge” aimed at turning around the faltering war effort.
Setting out from their combat outpost, the soldiers intuitively fell into single-file formation. As they approached an abandoned Taliban checkpoint, a prime location for roadside bombs, the patrol was ordered to halt. Three soldiers then pushed forward, sweeping the road ahead.
Two of them — Sgt. Brian Maxwell, who handled the sniffer dog, and Sgt. Anton Waterman, who provided security — continued on to a destroyed compound. They stepped inside, and I followed eagerly in tow, determined to keep my camera close to the action.
I don’t recall hearing an explosion, but there was a metallic click of sorts, followed by an immeasurable electric shock that ripped through my lower body, overpowering all my senses. I collapsed into a rising cloud of smoke and dust.
“Guys, I need help!” I remember saying. As I lay in the dirt, I instinctively tried to take pictures of my shredded legs but failed. I managed to shutter three frames of the soldiers I was with — they suffered concussions but were otherwise uninjured — before the pain took hold, forcing me to drop the camera.
Within seconds, I was being carried to the relative safety of the nearby road. I asked for a cigarette. When Carlotta materialized at my side, I used the satellite phone she was carrying to call my wife, Vivian, back home in South Africa. I figured that it would be better for her to hear the news from me rather than from an editor in New York. Part of me also wanted to hear her voice one more time, just in case.
I asked for another cigarette, but my request was declined as medics worked frantically to keep me alive. My memory fades as I was loaded into the medevac helicopter.
I returned to Deh-e Kuchay in May, I first met Mr. Zarif, the village elder, outside a small police outpost. He said he had thought that the person who was hit by the explosion that day in 2010 had died. “But today, I’m happy to hear that the person was you, and that you are alive,” he said, his eyes burrowing into mine.
He told me how much had changed now that the country was free of war.
“In the past, we were only living. We couldn’t enjoy our lives,” Mr. Zarif said. “But now, since there is security, we enjoy every moment of life, and have come to realize that we are truly alive.”
He took me to the exact location where I had lost my legs, but I did not recognize what I was staring at. The compound was gone. In its place stood a pomegranate orchard in flower, the petals glowing blood red in the afternoon sunlight. It gave me some comfort to see that life now grew from what had been a place of destruction.
Map located Deh-d Kuchay and the Arghandab River near Kandahar in the Kandahar Province of Afghanistan.
Behind us, the checkpoint that the soldiers of the Fourth Infantry Division had once warily approached was again controlled by the Taliban. A flag of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, as the Taliban call their government, mocked 20 years of a futile war that killed more than 160,000 Afghans and over 6,000 Americans. A policeman sat on a plastic chair, his rifle resting on his lap, as he kept an eye on the village’s somnambulant traffic.
The checkpoint commander, Muttaqi Saheb, 43, and his crew took refuge under a mulberry tree, a rest area where tea is drunk and prayers are recited. Mildly curious, he listened to my story and asked how I was feeling now.
“I am good. Strong,” I said, and he nodded in appreciation. I had spent about 19 months recovering at Walter Reed Army Medical Center. My injuries meant that I would never photograph combat again, but I eventually resumed my work, even if I must now allow the action to come to me instead of rushing toward it.
As tea was served, Mr. Saheb and I talked about the war.
“The United States, with all its resources and air and ground forces, could not establish security in Afghanistan,” he said. “But the Taliban, who had nothing except motorcycles and Kalashnikovs, were able to take over the entire country in a short period of time and provide security.”
Deh-e Kuchay is once again a hive of rural activity as its residents carve a living from the land. Its roughly 250 families are served by two small stores on opposite ends of the village. One doubles as a motorcycle repair shop, fixing punctures and the like.
The village school is filled with the sound of children’s laughter. Young men play cricket on an open ground that once served as a landing pad for American helicopters.
Signs of the occupation are slowly disappearing. The old U.S. base in the village is gone, but blast walls still line part of a road. Where houses for American soldiers once stood, workers were laying foundations for new homes that will be occupied by villagers.
I sought out Haji Muhammed Jan, 67, a farmer Carlotta and I had met on the day before my injury.
He has expanded the pomegranate orchard where we had gathered all those years ago. He said he was happy that peace had returned, but he complained that life remained difficult, that the economy was not good. Huge cuts in international aid, crippling sanctions related to the Taliban’s harsh restrictions on women and girls, and a postwar ban on opium cultivation have led to hardship for many Afghans.
“Since our young people don’t have jobs or employment, the rate of theft has increased,” Mr. Jan said. “Anything that can be sold, they steal and take away.”
As the morning sun cleared the horizon, we sat on a ground covering at the edge of Mr. Jan’s field, breaking bread and sipping tea, while he reminisced about the war, including the day when U.S. troops kicked down the gate to his orchard. He fondly recalled a soldier named Nick, a man he described as skinny but very strong. It had taken all of Mr. Jan’s strength to defeat the soldier in arm wrestling, he said.
A neighboring farmer with manic eyes and wild hair made a sudden appearance. He held a bouquet of roses and other flowers. The news of a foreigner’s presence in the village had spread fast. Foreign journalists working in Afghanistan face reporting restrictions, and I had been drawing a crowd when I stopped to take photographs.
“In the past, we were planting I.E.D.’s for you,” the man, Sher Ahmad, 50, said as he handed me the flowers, sitting down unceremoniously and joining us. “Now we give you flowers.”
It took me a while to process his remark. In Pashtun culture, giving flowers can be a gesture of love, respect and a sense of security. I wondered if the roses were a peace offering.
I soon learned that Mr. Ahmad’s brother was a prominent Taliban combatant and, according to the school’s principal, Mawlawi Hafizullah, had planted many bombs targeting American forces.
The fighter, who goes by the nom de guerre Sardar Agha, is well known and admired in the community. He financed an opulent mosque with a towering minaret that dwarfs the surrounding mud structures. Mr. Ahmad said that Sardar Agha had told him to “welcome the journalist properly.”
Through an intermediary, I asked Sardar Agha if he would meet with me, and initial indications were positive. But as much as I would have reveled in the chance to sit and talk, in the end he refused.
I was disappointed but not surprised, because somewhere in the recesses of my mind I knew it was a long shot. It left me to wonder whether Sardar also wants to put the war behind him, or whether he was counseled not to meet me.
As we left the village and the sky dawned in subdued hues, I felt content to have walked on that ground again, even if through the aid of prostheses, and to have come this far, even if Afghanistan itself has so far to go.
Joao Silva is a Times photographer based in South Africa.

Afghan refugees with legal documents, expelled from homes in Islamabad, now live in public parks without food, shelter, or medical care, creating a growing humanitarian crisis.
Afghan refugees with legal documents who were evicted from their homes in Islamabad are now spending nights in a city park, struggling with hunger, heat, and cold.
According to a Reuters report on Wednesday, August 20, the displaced families said they face scorching heat during the day and rain and cold at night, with little access to food or medical care.
The United Nations has warned that Pakistan has begun expelling even documented refugees before the September 1 deadline, a move that could force more than one million Afghans to leave.
Dozens of police officers have been deployed around the park. Refugees claim officers have repeatedly threatened them with removal, though police have denied these allegations.
Meanwhile, the UN reports that nearly 700,000 Afghans have also been deported from Iran, marking the largest refugee return crisis since the Taliban regained power in Afghanistan.
These developments have sparked growing concern among humanitarian organizations, who warn that the mass expulsions are leaving vulnerable families without shelter, food, or protection.
With Afghanistan still facing economic collapse and insecurity, aid groups stress that Pakistan and Iran must uphold international obligations and ensure the treatment of Afghan refugees is humane and lawful.

Don Brown, a career diplomat and former deputy chief of mission, has been appointed U.S. Chargé d’Affaires for Afghanistan, succeeding Karen Decker after her dedicated service.
The United States Embassy for Afghanistan, now operating from Doha, announced the appointment of Don Brown as Chargé d’Affaires ad interim on Thursday, August 21. The embassy confirmed the transition in a statement posted on its official X account, writing: “We bid farewell to Chargé d’Affaires Karen Decker, thanking her for her years of dedicated service and leadership to the U.S. Mission to Afghanistan. Join us in welcoming Don Brown as our new Chargé d’Affaires (CDA), ad interim; CDA Brown has served as Deputy Chief of Mission since November 2023.”
According to the US Embassy statement, Brown, a career member of the U.S. Foreign Service, formally assumed the role in July 2025. Since November 2023, he has served as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Mission to Afghanistan. Prior to this appointment, he specialized in counterterrorism, political-military affairs, and disrupting transnational crime and illicit finance.
The statement also pointed out that his extensive diplomatic service includes international postings in Baghdad, Berlin, Gaborone, New Delhi, Jeddah, Kampala, and Lima, with roles ranging from political and economic counselor to deputy director in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR). In Washington, Brown also served as foreign policy advisor to Marine Corps Forces Central Command (MARCENT) and worked in the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs on threat finance and sanctions.
Brown began his career in diplomacy in 1997 after ten years as a U.S. Air Force officer. A native of Pasadena, California, he graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1987. He has studied Spanish and Arabic and currently resides in Doha, Qatar, with his wife and mother-in-law.
Meanwhile, his predecessor, Karen Decker, had served as U.S. Chargé d’Affaires for Afghanistan since 2021, following the withdrawal of American forces from Kabul. Decker’s tenure was marked by navigating complex political realities and ensuring continued U.S. engagement with Afghanistan civil society under difficult circumstances.
Brown’s appointment comes at a time when the U.S. seeks to maintain diplomatic presence and humanitarian engagement with Afghanistan despite the absence of an embassy in Kabul. His background in counterterrorism, political-military strategy, and regional diplomacy is expected to play a key role in shaping U.S. policy in the region moving forward.