By Ariba Shahid
Reuters
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WOMEN BEAR THE BRUNT
Reporting by Ariba Shahid in Karachi; Editing by Thomas Derpinghaus
Reuters
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Reporting by Ariba Shahid in Karachi; Editing by Thomas Derpinghaus
On and off for over a decade, the Central Intelligence Agency conducted an audacious highly classified program to covertly manipulate Afghanistan’s lucrative poppy crop, blanketing Afghan farmers’ fields with specially modified seeds that germinated plants containing almost none of the chemicals that are refined into heroin, The Washington Post has learned.
The program’s disclosure comes as the war on narcotics is again dominating the security agenda.
President Donald Trump has declared war on drug cartels in the Western Hemisphere, ordering more than a dozen lethal strikes on alleged drug boats in the Caribbean and the eastern Pacific, designating cartels as terrorist groups, and moving a vast naval and air force to the region. He has also authorized the CIA to take aggressive covert action against drug traffickers and their supporters.
This latest effort, like the fight against opium in Afghanistan two decades ago, faces uncertain success, according to former officials who participated in drug wars of the past.
In Afghanistan in the early 2000s, the burgeoning opium trade was thwarting U.S. goals, as American troops engaged in a deadly struggle to defeat the Taliban, eliminate terrorist groups and stabilize the weak Western-backed government. Afghan heroin fueled corruption in President Hamid Karzai’s government and in the provinces. It helped pay for the Taliban’s weapons and equipment. And it accounted for the majority of global heroin supplies, with most of the drugs bound for Europe or the former Soviet Union.
Western allies and U.S. government agencies argued bitterly over which strategies would dent the crop without undermining rural Afghan support for Karzai. Diplomats and drug enforcement officials debated everything from aerial herbicide spraying to purchasing the entire Afghan crop and sending it overseas to be processed into medicine.
Clandestine operators, initially using British C-130 aircraft, made nighttime flights to avoid detection, dispersing billions of the specially developed seeds over swaths of Afghanistan’s extensive poppy fields, people knowledgeable about the program said. The airdrops took place over the Afghan provinces of Nangahar and Helmand, centers of poppy cultivation, they said.
As far as is known, the seeds were not genetically engineered with gene editing — a technology not widely available until more recently — but grown and selected over time to produce a plant that harbored less of the alkaloid chemicals used to produce heroin. Details of when and how the seeds were developed remain unclear. But one person said the cultivation took several years and involved crossbreeding them with natural poppy seeds.
Many aspects of the program remain classified, including its budget, how many flights took place and hard metrics on its efficacy. It was so closely held that some senior Pentagon and State Department officials involved in Afghan policy under Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama said they were unaware of it or had only heard rumors.
The CIA required a classified written authorization, known as a “finding,” from Bush to conduct the flights and other aspects of the operation, which fell under the spy agency’s covert action powers, two former U.S. officials said. The finding made the program legal, at least as far as the U.S. government was concerned.
A CIA spokesperson declined to comment after the agency was given a list of specifics The Post planned to report. Former spokespeople for the Bush and Obama administrations also declined to comment.
The Afghan government led by Karzai was not informed when the CIA began the program, people familiar said.
It remains unclear whether the Afghans found out later. Karzai did not respond to a request for comment made through an aide.
The British Embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment.
Antonio Maria Costa, who led the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime from 2002 to 2010, said he heard whispers about a program like the one the CIA conducted but never had any confirmation.
That plan was ultimately dismissed because poppies in Mexico are grown in small plots in hilly terrain, making them a much tougher target for aerial seeding than the flatlands of southwest Afghanistan, where the bulk of that country’s poppy crop was grown, one of the people said.
The overall counternarcotics campaign in Afghanistan was an abysmal failure, Western officials acknowledge. It was doomed by interagency bickering in Washington; U.S. friction with allies including Britain, which led the international effort; intermittent support from Karzai and his government; and the entrenchment of poppy farming in rural Afghanistan’s culture and economy.
The Pentagon repeatedly resisted deeper involvement in the Afghan drug war, arguing it distracted from its mission of eliminating Islamist terrorists and fighting the Taliban.
Several former CIA and State Department officials, however, said the spy agency’s seeding program to degrade the potency of Afghanistan’s poppy crop was successful for a time. It was also tremendously expensive, chewing up the CIA Crime and Narcotics Center’s operational budget.
“There was a sense that it worked. But maybe over time, it worked less well. That the juice wasn’t worth the squeeze,” said a former U.S. official who read reports on the program. “This is actually an example of creative, out-of-the-box thinking by the agency. … It was dealing with a problem in a non-kinetic, nonmilitary way.”
Others aware of the program were less impressed by the results, saying it made no lasting dent in Afghan opium production and helped Bush administration policymakers avoid tough decisions in the war on Afghanistan’s drugs.
Beginning in 2001, the United States spent about $9 billion to try to stem the tide of heroin flowing out of Afghanistan. Afghanistan’s poppy crop declined notably from 2007 to 2011, before rising again and skyrocketing after 2016, the SIGAR report said, citing U.N. and CIA data. The Taliban profited off the heroin pipeline for years, although U.S. officials clashed over how central it was to their finances.
The United States has spent decades fighting illegal narcotics globally, interdicting shipments, penetrating trafficking networks, extraditing drug lords. Trump has deemed the problem a national security threat on par with international terrorism, and he has authorized the use of military force to allow strikes on alleged traffickers at sea that many former officials and legal experts say violate international law. He has used economic power, too, suggesting he would lower tariffs on China if it curbs the export of precursor chemicals used to make the deadly synthetic drug fentanyl.
With plants grown for their narcotics, Washington has tried multiple approaches. In Colombia, U.S. funds paid for widespread aerial spraying of the herbicide glyphosate over plantations of coca, used to make cocaine. U.S. officials claimed the program was successful in reducing the crop. In Peru, American drug-control agencies tested a pellet containing herbicide, but it was never dropped, a former U.S. official said.
In Afghanistan, the State Department’s International Narcotics and Law Enforcement bureau argued for aggressive aerial spraying of herbicide based on the Colombia model.osed spraying, arguing it would hurt efforts to win over the Afghan population from the Taliban. So did top Afghan officials, who said the chemicals could poison the groundwater in their heavily agricultural society.
U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan William Wood, previously ambassador to Colombia, was so adamant about the spraying that he offered to sit, clad in a Speedo bathing suit, in a vat of glyphosate in Kabul’s Massoud Circle to prove its safety, three former senior officials said. Wood became known as “Chemical Bill.”
U.S. officials were so confident the Afghan government would eventually approve the herbicide plan that they moved glyphosate and equipment for ground-based spraying into Kabul, the SIGAR report said. But the Afghan cabinet rejected the idea in January 2007. No significant herbicide spraying of Afghan poppies ever took place, according to multiple former U.S. officials.
As the deadlock over spraying stretched on, the Bush administration explored more unconventional control strategies.
“They were constantly looking for some sort of silver bullet,” said former journalist Gretchen Peters, who wrote a 2009 book on ties between the Taliban and drug traffickers.
Some proposals were exotic. State Department officials debated using mycotoxins, poisons produced by fungi, two former officials said. Beginning in 1998, the United Nations and the United States had funded research at a former Soviet laboratory in Uzbekistan on a fungus that infects and kills opium poppy plants.
“We could not use a pathogen that was not safe. That’s biological warfare,” said John Walters, Bush’s director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy. Walters, now president of the Hudson Institute, declined to comment on the CIA poppy seed program.
The covert CIA program went forward even as the debate over herbicide spraying raged, with airdrops beginning in 2004. It involved careful timing and elaborate orchestration, and it was preceded by years of secret agricultural research. The seeds had been grown at a site in the United States, crossed with normal poppy plants to test the outcome, and then produced in mass quantities, one person said.
The seeds had to be dropped in late autumn, when Afghan farmers were planting their own seeds. You had to “take care to make sure it didn’t stand out too much,” so that an Afghan poppy farmer would notice nothing amiss, but also “to ensure over time it did become the dominant crop,” or strain of poppy plant, said a former senior U.S. official familiar with the program’s beginnings.
The American plants not only contained virtually no morphine, but they were bred to sprout early and produce especially vivacious red flowers, making them attractive to Afghan farmers who, the CIA hoped, would harvest and replant their seeds.
There was also a hope, several officials said, that the farmers would keep and sell some of the seeds, propagating them through the country’s brisk agricultural markets.
The program’s progress was assessed in multiple ways, two people familiar said. Aerial surveillance and satellite imagery showed farmers ridding their fields of unproductive plants. Electronic eavesdropping picked up conversations among opium growers. There were even occasional on-the-ground checks at farmers’ fields, with U.S. officials disguising the true purpose of their visit.
The CIA operation continued after Obama took office in 2009, and it was discussed at White House meetings of the Deputies Committee, a group of high-level national security officials from across government.
The program, which had always been expensive, ended because of money woes, numerous people said.
The CIA counternarcotics center’s budget was being squeezed, and the spy agency tried to convince other agencies — the Pentagon, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the State Department — to fund the poppy seed drops.
In its final years, the State Department’s International Narcotics and Law Enforcement bureau picked up the cost of aircraft fuel, maintenance and repair, but it never conducted airdrops, those familiar with the program said.
For nearly two decades, there had been persistent rumors among Afghan farmers that foreigners had fouled their poppy crop, either by covertly spraying it, adulterating the fertilizer they used or deliberately spreading disease. Those rumors, it turned out, were not entirely unfounded.
When the U.S. military — and the CIA — finally withdrew from Afghanistan in chaotic fashion in 2021, the opium trade represented between 9 and 14 percent of Afghanistan’s gross domestic product, or between $1.8 billion and $2.7 billion, according to the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime.
After regaining control of the country, the Taliban banned opium production. By 2023, cultivation had plummeted by 95 percent. But the crop rebounded last year by 19 percent, the U.N. said, and shifted to the country’s northeast, away from the traditional poppy growing areas once targeted by the CIA.
At least 12 people were killed and 27 others wounded on Tuesday in an attack on Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad, according to officials. It was the first major attack to hit the city in more than a decade and comes as Pakistan is facing a resurgence of assaults by several insurgencies.
An attacker detonated a bomb near the entrance of a courthouse around lunchtime, according to the Pakistani interior minister, Mohsin Naqvi. He said the attacker had tried but failed to enter the court complex, with hundreds of lawyers, defendants and judges inside. The attacker died at the scene, the authorities said.
The attack has raised alarm that insurgent violence, confined in recent years to Pakistan’s western regions, has reached its urban centers. Islamabad, a quiet, leafy city of a million people, is the seat of political power and home to embassies and the headquarters of many international organizations.
The Pakistani defense minister, Khawaja Asif, said Pakistan was “in a state of war.”
“Anyone who thinks that the Pakistan Army is fighting this war in the Afghan-Pakistan border region and the remote areas of Balochistan should take today’s suicide attack at the Islamabad district courts as a wake-up call: This is a war for all of Pakistan,” Mr. Asif said on social media.
“Bomb blasts have moved from the frontier back into Pakistan’s cities,” he said in a text message. “With its guarded checkpoints into the city and proximity to army headquarters, Islamabad is the ultimate litmus test. If Islamabad isn’t safe, nowhere is.”
A group affiliated with the Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack, according to The Khorasan Diary, a digital platform in Islamabad that monitors militant activity in the region. Through a spokesman, the Pakistani Taliban, known as Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan or T.T.P., denied any connection to the blast.
A similar situation occurred in 2023 when a suicide bombing killed more than 100 people, mostly police officers, at a mosque in the northwestern city of Peshawar. A group linked to the Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack, but the T.T.P. distanced itself, saying it avoided targeting civilians.
Without providing evidence, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif of Pakistan accused India in a social media post of having instigated Tuesday’s courthouse attack and Afghanistan of harboring the attackers
In a statement, a spokesman for India’s foreign ministry, Randhir Jaiswal, rejected that claim. “India unequivocally rejects the baseless and unfounded allegations,” he said.
The Pakistani Taliban have killed hundreds of Pakistani police officers and security personnel over the past several years, but the group has typically attacked police checkpoints and military outposts.
The last major attack in Islamabad attributed to the Pakistani Taliban occurred in 2014, when militants killed 11 people in an assault on another courthouse.
Tuesday’s courthouse attack was the second in less than two days in Pakistan.
Khalid Mandokhel, a lawyer who was in the court’s cafeteria at the time, said that the blast was so strong that it threw him off his chair.
“There was smoke everywhere and complete chaos afterward,” he said. “If it had happened inside the courtroom, the number of casualties could have been much higher.”
By Tuesday evening, Pakistani soldiers had been fighting for more than a day against militants they said belonged to the T.T.P. and who stormed a military college in the country’s west on Monday. More than 350 people had been evacuated from the site but 300 others were still stranded, according to the Pakistani army.
The T.T.P. also denied being behind that attack.
Attacks by the Pakistani Taliban have been at the center of tensions between Pakistan and neighboring Afghanistan, which have escalated to cross-border military clashes and Pakistani airstrikes on Afghanistan’s capital and its second-largest city in recent weeks.
The Pakistani government has accused the Taliban administration in Afghanistan of funding and providing a safe haven for the Pakistani Taliban’s leaders and militants, who then conduct attacks on the other side of the border.
The Afghan Taliban, in power since 2021, have denied backing the Pakistani Taliban and say the two entities are officially distinct. Still, the groups share longstanding and deep ties. They fought together against Pakistani and NATO forces in Afghanistan and its border areas before the Taliban came back to power.
“Pakistan’s expectation was that with passage of time, Taliban regime would be able to control these attacks and take concrete actions against the T.T.P. elements present on Afghan soil,” Pakistan’s foreign ministry said in a statement on Sunday after the latest rounds of talks collapsed.
“The response from the Taliban regime has only been hollow promises and inaction,” it added.
Through a spokesman, Afghanistan condemned the attacks in Islamabad and on the military college.
Elian Peltier is an international correspondent for The Times, covering Afghanistan and Pakistan.
“As I entered the court building, a huge blast occurred. I thought the entire judiciary building would collapse on me,” Zahid Khan, who works as an assistant to a lawyer at the court, told CBS News’ Sami Yousafzai. “When I went upstairs, I saw people lying on the ground around the fire … Just three minutes earlier, I had been at that exact spot while parking my bike.”
“I saw many people lying injured, with blood on the road,” he said.
He noted the timing of the attack, coming a week after the Pakistani Taliban, or TTP, along with some elements of the Afghan Taliban issued threats against Pakistani cities.Pakistani later issued a statement, saying te government “strongly condemns the cowardly suicide attack in Islamabad that claimed 12 innocent lives, including members of the judiciary.”
“The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has claimed responsibility for this reprehensible act, aimed at spreading fear and undermining Pakistan’s justice system,” the statement said.
The alleged suicide attack in Islamabad also came a day after militants stormed a military college in Wana, in Pakistan’s South Waziristan region. Two militants were killed in the assault, officials said.
The TTP, in statements shared with CBS News, denied involvement in both the Islamabad and Wana attacks, but Pakistani security officials and analysts said the group was likely responsible for both.
Last week, a TTP source told CBS News the group considers its campaign against Pakistan’s government a “holy struggle,” and they warned that it has “human and technical resources in all major cities” — and plans to stage new, large-scale attacks.
The attacker tried on Tuesday to “enter the court premises but, failing to do so, targeted a police vehicle,” Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi told journalists. He alleged that the attack was “carried out by Indian-backed elements and Afghan Taliban proxies” linked to the TTP, but he said authorities were “looking into all aspects” of the explosion.
In a statement issued later Tuesday, Indian government spokesperson Shri Randhir Jaiswal said the country “unequivocally rejects the baseless and unfounded allegations” by Pakistan, calling it “a predictable tactic by Pakistan to concoct false narratives against India.”
Pakistan’s Minister of Defense Khawaja Asif blamed Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers for allowing the attack to take place on Tuesday. The neighbors have long had tense relations, with Islamabad accusing Afghan authorities of allowing the TTP to operate within Afghanistan’s borders.
“Kabul’s rulers can stop terrorism in Pakistan, but today’s suicide attack at the Islamabad district courts proves this is a nationwide war,” Asif said in a statement Tuesday. “Anyone who believes the Pakistan Army is only fighting on the Afghan-Pakistan border and in remote Balochistan should take this attack as a wake-up call. This is a war for all of Pakistan.”
Pakistan and Afghanistan held two rounds of talks aimed at addressing mutual security concerns in October and earlier this month, but both ended without any solid agreement between the neighbors, and Asif said in his statement after the Tuesday explosion in Islamabad that, “in this environment, it would be futile to place greater hope in successful negotiations with the rulers in Kabul.”
One member of the Afghan Taliban’s negotiating team told CBS News on Tuesday that the talks had failed due to Pakistan’s unrealistic demands for the Taliban to restrain the TTP.
“It was far beyond our control and capacity,” the Afghan Taliban official said, accusing Pakistan of failing to effectively counter the TTP itself.
The Islamabad explosion also came a day after a large blast rocked the Red Fort, a major tourist destination in neighboring India’s capital city New Delhi.
That explosion killed eight people, and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Tuesday that the “conspirators” behind the blast “will not be spared,” vowing that “all those responsible will be brought to justice.”
Pakistan and India are nuclear armed neighbors that have clashed often, usually over the disputed Kashmir border region. Dozens of people were killed in May when India launched military strikes in Pakistan-administered Kashmir and deep inside Pakistan, saying it was targeting militants in the country that had carried out multiple attacks on India.
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Former Pakistani envoy Asif Durrani said the Istanbul talks collapsed, warning Kabul appears intent on prolonging confrontation and diplomatic deadlock with Islamabad.
Islamabad’s former envoy on Afghanistan affairs, Asif Durrani, has said the deadlock in negotiations in Istanbul suggests that the Taliban regime is determined to continue confrontation with Pakistan, and that the Pakistani team has since left the venue.
Durrani wrote on the X platform on Friday that if negotiations remain stalled, the border may remain sealed, trade suspended and travellers restricted — a scenario that risks harming ordinary citizens.
Pakistan has long accused Kabul of harbouring Tehrik‑e‑Taliban Pakistan (TTP) fighters who mount cross-border attacks; Durrani claims the Taliban delegation in Istanbul explicitly refused to address the TTP issue.
In the talks mediated by Istanbul under the aegis of Doha-brokered ceasefire mechanisms, Pakistan handed over “evidence-based” demands to Turkey and Qatar, but the Afghan side rejected signing written commitments, insisting on verbal assurances only.
The Taliban refused the allegations and stated that Afghanistan does not provide safe havens for militants, and that Islamabad must respect Afghanistan sovereignty. A Taliban spokesman claimed Pakistani forces fired into Afghanistan territory on the day talks resumed in Istanbul, but Taliban forces held back “out of respect” for the dialogue.
The breakdown of the Istanbul process underscores the absence of trust between Islamabad and Kabul, especially over verification, documentation and accountability of militant cross-border activity. Without written guarantees, Pakistan’s patience appears exhausted, and regions along the frontier may see further disruption of trade and civilian movement.
For the broader region, the failure raises the risk of renewed military flare-ups. Diplomatic channels now face a tougher task; either reconvene with a stronger framework and enforce mapping of militant routes or witness a slide back into violence that could derail the fragile cease-fire.