As Taliban starts restricting men, too, some regret not speaking up sooner

The Washington Post

As the Taliban starts enforcing draconian new rules on women in Afghanistan, it has also begun to target a group that didn’t see tight restrictions on them coming: Afghan men.

Women have faced an onslaught of increasingly severe limits on their personal freedom and rules about their dress since the Taliban seized power three years ago. But men in urban areas could, for the most part, carry on freely.

The past four weeks, however, have brought significant changes for them, too. New laws promulgated in late August mandate that men wear a fist-long beard, bar them from imitating non-Muslims in appearance or behavior, widely interpreted as a prohibition against jeans, and ban haircuts that are against Islamic law, which essentially means short or Western styles. Men are now also prohibited from looking at women other than their wives or relatives.

As a result, more are growing beards, carrying prayer rugs and leaving their jeans at home.

These first serious restrictions on men have come as a surprise to many in Afghanistan, according to a range of Afghans, including Taliban opponents, wavering supporters and even members of the Taliban regime, who spoke in phone interviews over the past two weeks. In a society where a man’s voice is often perceived as far more powerful than a woman’s, some men now wonder whether they should have spoken up sooner to defend the freedoms of their wives and daughters.

“If men had raised their voices, we might also be in a different situation now,” said a male resident of the capital, Kabul, who like others interviewed for this story spoke on the condition of anonymity or that only their first names be used due to fears of drawing unwanted scrutiny from the regime. “Now, everyone is growing a beard because we don’t want to be questioned, humiliated,” he said.

The Taliban’s new rules governing men pale in comparison with restrictions the government has placed on girls and women, who remain banned from going to school above sixth grade, barred from universities and were recently prohibited from raising their voices in public, among many other rules.

But newly empowered religious morality officers, known for their white robes, have been knocking over the past four weeks on the doors of men in some parts of Kabul who haven’t recently attended mosque, according to residents. Government employees said they fear they’ll be let go for having failed to grow their beards, and some barbers now refuse to trim them. Increasingly, male taxi drivers are being stopped for violating gender segregation rules, by having unaccompanied female riders in their cars, or for playing music.

The new laws give the morality police authority to detain suspects for up to three days. In severe cases, such as repeated failure to pray in the mosque, suspects can be handed over to courts for trial and sentencing based on their interpretation of Islamic sharia law. Violations of the new rules are expected to be punished by fines or prison terms. But people found guilty of some infractions, for example adultery, could be sentenced to flogging or death by stoning.

Amir, a resident who lives in eastern Afghanistan, said he supported the Taliban up until the latest restrictions. But he now feels bullied into submission by their morality police.

“We all are practicing Muslims and know what is mandatory or not. But it’s unacceptable to use force on us,” he said. He added, “Even people who have supported the Taliban are now trying to leave the country.”

Most men interviewed for this story live in Kabul, the country’s most cosmopolitan city, or other urban areas. Residents of more conservative and traditional parts of Afghanistan said they have noticed barely any changes. A male resident of rural Helmand, in southern Afghanistan, said no one in his village has concerns and such rules have long been customary there. “No morality police has showed up here so far. They focus on the cities,” he said.

The new restrictions appear to reflect a broader shift in the balance of power inside the Taliban, with the most conservative elements either gaining influence or seeking to assert themselves more aggressively in urban areas, according to Western officials and Afghan critics of the Taliban.

The Ministry of Vice and Virtue, which directs the morality police, could not be reached for comment. A former senior official with the Ministry of Vice and Virtue denied that the ministry is increasingly turning into a shadow law enforcement agency, saying its primary responsibility remains preaching. He spoke on the condition of anonymity because he is no longer authorized to respond to journalists.

The new restrictions on women include a ban on them raising their voices, reciting the Quran in public and looking at men other than their husbands or relatives. Women must also cover the lower half of their faces in addition to donning a head covering they were already expected to wear.

A 36-year old male driver in Kabul said the new restrictions feel “enormous” and pose a growing hardship for his work. His revenue has declined by 70 percent since late August, he said, partly because the Taliban has begun enforcing a rule that bans women from traveling alone in taxis.

Even in some government offices, a new sense of dread has set in. A former Taliban supporter recalled how a friend, who still works for the regime, recently had his salary withheld because his beard wasn’t sufficiently long.

“We are hearing that some of the civil servants, whose beards were shorter than the required length, were barred from entering their departments,” said a government employee, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to journalists.

For the past three years, Afghan women often felt alone in their anguish. Some grew exasperated by their husbands’ silence or growing support for the Taliban, which tried to win public favor by building roads and repairing tunnels.

Several women said they hope their protests will soon be joined by Afghan men. “Men were silent from Day 1, which gave the Taliban the courage to keep imposing such rules,” said a 24-year-old female resident in Kabul. “Now, the Taliban is finally losing men’s support,” she said.

Others are skeptical whether criticism of the rules can make a difference.

In interviews, several Kabul residents said they have begun in recent weeks to look more seriously into leaving the country.

“But if more young people flee this country,” said a male Kabul resident, “there won’t be any hope at all.”

Haq Nawaz Khan and Lutfullah Qasimyar contributed to this report.

As Taliban starts restricting men, too, some regret not speaking up sooner
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War, deforestation, flooding: in Afghanistan they are all linked

The Guardian

On 10 May 2024, Haroon Nafas was in his family’s guesthouse in Baghlan, north Afghanistan, spending time with friends who had come to stay. It had been raining lightly all through the afternoon, but at about 3pm the group heard a loud crashing noise.

“We immediately went outside to see what was causing the sound,” says Nafas. “Initially, we were confused, thinking it might have been a plane. But then we realised, no, it’s a flood.”

Nafas rushed home to his own house, which fortunately was located up on a hillside, and started gathering his family. Meanwhile, several town members sought shelter atop the local mosque, including Nafas’s brothers, who used a mulberry tree to climb on to the roof and reach safety.

Others were not so lucky. “The flood was very severe, maybe up to 30 metres high,” says Nafas. “People were even dragged in from the roofs of certain buildings. The damage from the waters spread several kilometres. Some households lost up to 11 family members.”

Over two days, at least 315 people were killed in Baghlan and more than 2,000 homes destroyed. About 1,600 people were injured, and hundreds more were missing. Flash floods also wreaked havoc in other provinces across Afghanistan, with at least 50 people killed in Ghor.

Afghanistan has always been prone to natural disasters. Among low-income nations, it ranked second in the number of deaths caused by them between 1980 and 2015, according to one report. However, the frequency and extremity of disasters such as flash flooding is on the rise, and climate breakdown is not solely responsible for these changes. The country’s history of armed conflict has exacerbated the situation severely.

Dr Najibullah Sadid, an environmental researcher and water resources expert based in Germany, says it is crucial that warring parties are held more accountable as toxic artillery often gets left behind and damages the environment. Explosives can damage ecosystems, disrupt biodiversity and weaken soil structure, and can damage groundwater resources.

According to a report by the Progressive magazine, the US dropped more than 85,000 bombs on Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021. In spots where massive ordnance air blast bombs, nicknamed “the mother of all bombs”, were dropped, such as Nangarhar province, scientists have found that plant yields halved due to the spread of toxins. Such toxins can also be carried to other regions by the wind or in water.

Mine contamination is another problem. As of 2021, only one of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces had ever (temporarily) been declared mine-free. The remaining 33 provinces still have explosive ordnance scattered across them. Despite this, funding for the country’s mine action sector has been declining, from $113m (£86m) in 2011 to $32m in 2020. The Taliban takeover in August 2021 has threatened these streams further, as many donors remain reluctant to engage with the new government, despite improved operating conditions and access to previously unreachable locationsAccording to the United Nations Mine Action Service about 45,000 Afghan civilians have been killed or wounded by landmines since 1989.

Dr Najibullah Sadid portrait
Water resources expert Dr Najibullah Sadid says mines disrupt soil structure. Photograph: Najibullah Sadid

Sadid says the mines have a direct connection to the recent flash floods: “Landmines [and] de-mining activity disrupt soil structure. Disrupt this, and you are basically exposing the soil to erosion. The debris flow in Baghlan, for example, can be linked to war because the floods originated from a valley which is completely dry.”

Conflict-caused deforestation also worsens flash floods. In 1970, Afghanistan had 2.8m hectares (6.9m acres) of forest, covering 4.5% of the country. By 2016, this had shrunk to about 1.5%. In Nuristan, a province in eastern Afghanistan, forest cover had reduced by 53% in that time.

“Vegetation retains a lot of rainwater,” says Sadid. “When there is no forest, the land becomes exposed to landslides, and the runoff increases. That’s why we now see very extreme flash floods occurring in some parts of Afghanistan.”

For Sayed Abdul Baset, a disaster risk reduction expert and Herat resident, the issue hits close to home. The former adviser to the Afghan government says there is still an opportunity to unite and mobilise despite the problems caused by climate breakdown.

“These natural disasters are related to the activities of the land,” he says. “They show how unsafe our homes are, how weak our coping capacity and early warning systems are. We don’t have water pipes. The topography of the soil is not good. There is no flood zoning. People live in floodplains. It is a very painful picture. It is no less than a war.”

Sohila Akbari, who is based in Herat, has been leading humanitarian efforts as part of a 12-woman team for more than a decade.

Sohila Akbari headshot
Humanitarian worker Sohila Akbari was herself caught up in the earthquakes that hit Herat in 2023. Photograph: Sohila Akbari

With financial contributions collected from the Afghan diaspora and donors abroad, her grassroots organisation Committee Akbari regularly distributes emergency aid such as food, clothes and tents to the city’s poorest and disaster-struck.

“I first started interacting with those struggling through my work as a teacher,” says Akbari. “Slowly, I started to develop an interest in finding other ways to help. I’ve since connected with Afghans all over to try to take the work further.”

Akbari was herself a victim of the devastating series of earthquakes that hit Herat in October 2023, killing more than 2,000 people. “It was a very horrible day. We hadn’t experienced an earthquake in years. It took us all by surprise.”

She recalls hearing a horrible noise that resembled explosions. “You couldn’t even stand. The ground would go out from under you. Our house was on the third floor so it was especially bad. I remember telling the children to run, just run. Don’t worry about me. They ran. I was in the stairwell when the ceiling caved. I thought I was finished.”

They spent the next few days seeking shelter in a local school. After two days, Akbari resumed her distribution efforts to those who had been most severely affected.

“We are in the city. What else can we do if we don’t help? We will do our best. What little we can do, we will do it,” she says.

It is through locals such as Akbari, who are already familiar with the people affected, that aid can have the most successful outcome, says the longtime climate journalist Laurie Goering.

“This is the giant question in climate finance right now. How do you actually move such big amounts of money from governments and organisations to those women in Afghanistan? Taking advantage of local systems and actors, and finding intermediary groups to get more of that money to where it’s needed is really important,” Goering says.

Landscape of Ghor showing destroyed homes and flooding
Afghanistan is one of the countries most vulnerable in the climate crisis, but it is excluded from COP talks. Photograph: Najib Nazari

As for how much compensation warring states owe for the destruction caused in Afghanistan, Goering refers to the United Nations Development Programme’s loss and damage fund as a good place to start. This is a new fund aimed at helping impoverished nations cope with the damage caused by climate-induced natural disasters. Support will be offered in the form of grants.

“The fund is designed to help communities and countries recover from things they couldn’t have adapted to,” says Goering. “So that money would be really useful in places like Afghanistan.”

Since their rise to power in August 2021, the Taliban have remained excluded from the global stage. For Goering, this poses an extra challenge: “It’s hard to get funds if you’re excluded from international systems. There’s a lot of thinking at the moment about how to move money to very vulnerable places without going through the government.”

Despite Afghanistan being one of the countries most vulnerable to global heating, due to its arid climate, mountainous topography and reliance on agriculture, it was once again excluded from the Cop28 climate talks last year, something Goering says is problematic.

“Afghanistan doesn’t have high emissions,” she says. “This is something that’s happening globally, that everybody must work on together. Otherwise, we won’t solve the problem.”

It is a sentiment shared by Rahmani, who believes support from international institutions and existing data could go a long way: “We need to create a roadmap for each region of Afghanistan. Also, 60% of Afghans are young. They can be taught. With a very small budget, they can be provided with employment, education and training in the climate field.”

However, to truly muster the potential of younger generations, Rahmani admits better climate awareness is a crucial first step: “People think that this is God’s will, that because of our sins, these disasters happen to us and that we can’t do anything about it. Such beliefs and social behaviours have a lot of impact.”

Rahmani also hopes to see more remediation from warring parties, as well as high-emitting nations.

“These countries have a responsibility,” he says. “This is happening because of them. Places like the United States, England, Brazil and China – they keep their industry alive with fossil fuels and adapt themselves and raise their resilience. But for Afghanistan, which is currently very limited in terms of global relations, those conditions are completely closed.”

In March, the UN security council voted to extend its mission in Afghanistan for another year, but this is focused mostly on the humanitarian crisis rather than climate impacts.

There is also an ongoing parliamentary inquiry in the Netherlands on the impact of the Dutch and Nato’s 20-year intervention in Afghanistan. Similar initiatives by other countries embedded in the Nato campaign could accelerate reparations and aid.

For Rahmani, prioritising smart policies and expanding irrigation projects, such as those implemented in recent years across Nangarhar province, is the way to go.

“We had a very large climate project a while ago, backed by millions of dollars. But unfortunately, all the work is suspended. We need funds. These are very serious issues. It is very necessary for the people of the world to be united so that we can solve these problems.”

Since the Taliban takeover in 2021, large-scale conflict has reduced significantly. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, no new conflict displacement was recorded in 2023. However, by the end of that year, there were still 1.5 million people internally displaced as a result of natural disasters.

For Baghlan resident Nafas, the most pressing need for those affected is clean water. He hopes the humanitarian response offers a solution before the situation on the ground worsens.

“The tap systems have all been damaged,” he says. “All the canals are covered with mud. There is no drinking water, no water for ablution, for people’s livestock, for agriculture. Incomes have also been suspended. People are living in makeshift tents. It’s chaos. It is hot now but soon the cold season will come.”

Interviewees’ names have been changed to protect their identities.

 

War, deforestation, flooding: in Afghanistan they are all linked
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The Taliban’s Misogyny Finally Needs a U.S. Response

By , a columnist at Foreign Policy.
Foreign Policy
September 18, 2024

In its latest assault on basic freedoms, Afghanistan has banned women and girls from speaking in public. It marks a new low in the Taliban-led government’s enforced gender apartheid.

Promises that girls and women would be allowed to study and work were broken shortly after the Taliban returned to power. The group banned girls from going to school beyond sixth grade and outlawed them from pursuing higher education at university. It even prohibited them from taking a stroll in the park or going to the gym, and from nearly all professions that could earn them a living and a semblance of independence and dignity.

And yet even as Afghan women are kept prisoner in their homes and denied basic rights, neither the Islamic nations in the region nor the United States have taken an active interest in compelling the group to reverse its misogynistic policies.

The new rules were announced in the middle of the presidential campaign in the United States, but both candidates kept mum on the issue of women’s rights, even though each of their respective governments knowingly left Afghan women to a fate that was hardly unexpected.

When Kamala Harris and Donald Trump faced off in a debate last week, Afghanistan was raised only in the context of the domestic ramifications of American withdrawal. No mention was made of what happened to Afghans left behind. Neither candidate said a word about how the U.S. exited without securing any guarantees from the Taliban on the future of women and their rights.

The Taliban, firmly in control, brushed off all of its atrocities on Afghan women and violation of their very basic rights as “Afghan values’’ in a conversation with Foreign Policy. Taliban spokesperson Suhail Shaheen said the group was open for engagement with the West, but on economic issues only.

“They can invest in minerals,’’ he told FP. “China, Russia, all have business ties with us, the West can also do that. It is good for them and good for us.’’

“Women’s rights and those things are up to us, and we will determine them according to Afghan values and traditions,’’ he added, as if speaking and reading were matters of Afghan sovereignty and not basic human rights.

Mahbouba Seraj, an Afghan women’s rights activist who was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize last year, blamed both the Trump and Biden administrations for the circumstances the Afghan girls and women find themselves in.

“When they were discussing the agreement in Doha, we were not even given the visa to come to Qatar because we would have asked questions, we would have confronted the Taliban, but that could have scuttled the deal and the Trump administration didn’t want that,’’ she told FP over the phone.

“Biden may not have had enough room to change the deal, but that was not the reason he stuck with it,’’ she said. The Biden administration “wanted to get out.’’

But even the word “women’’ is missing from it. A post-withdrawal concern has been that a deteriorating humanitarian situation could exacerbate the refugee crisis, particularly in Europe.

In order to address these concerns, and heed calls by humanitarian actors, the U.S. agreed to ease some sanctions and infuse Afghanistan with billions in cash. That helped Afghans, but it also kept the Taliban afloat and emboldened it to carry on as it pleased.

“Since August 2021, the U.N. has purchased, transported, and transferred at least $2.9 billion to Afghanistan using international donor contributions,’’ according to a report by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) in January. It added that the U.S. is the largest donor, with $2.6 billion of that sum contributed by the American taxpayer.

While throwing money at the problem has somewhat mitigated a humanitarian crisis, it has also kept the Taliban in power and allowed it to maintain a support base. The report said that the Taliban has accumulated, “a large supply of U.S. dollars, through the conversion process of dollars for afghanis.’’

Some Afghan analysts argued that stopping the cash flow will weaken the Taliban, reduce its acceptability, and ideally encourage an anti-Taliban uprising. Or, at the very least, force them to make some concessions.

22-year-old Miryam, whose name has been changed to protect her identity, pleaded that the West, and especially the U.S., “should stop sending money to the Taliban.’’ Her education was cut short when the Taliban took over in 2021, she can’t wear what she wants, or do anything professionally, or step out of the house.

“Don’t recognize the Taliban,’’ she said from Kabul in her message to the international community, “put pressure on them to at least give women the right to work and study.’’

Davood Moradian, founder and the director-general of the Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies (AISS) now based in London, argued in favor of slashing the aid. “America is the main source of Afghan currency,’’ he told FP. “The moment the U.S. stopped funding, the Taliban will face a serious challenge,’’ to its rule, he added.

Others said if the Taliban didn’t break under 20 years of American presence, they wouldn’t abandon their hardcore ideology now, due to a cash crunch. Seraj, the women’s rights activist, advocated a diametrically different approach and said that the West should instead open the floodgates of developmental aid in a way that upward mobility emboldens the Afghan people to rebel against Taliban’s excesses and fight for women’s rights.

“You can’t even use the word women with them,’’ she said. “You have to come up with things like more investments and business deals and let that create the right conditions.’’

Thus far, the U.S. has threatened the Taliban with a global boycott if it doesn’t grant women their rights. But efforts ostracize the group from the international community are a farce since China, Russia, Pakistan, Qatar and several others continue to engage the group for economic and security reasons.

The truth is there hasn’t been an active U.S. policy to try and bring about a change or help the women of Afghanistan since the U.S. retreated. The policy has been outsourced to the U.N., which is engaging the group, often on the terms set by the Taliban. For instance, in July the U.N. organized Doha III, a dialogue platform to engage the Taliban and various stakeholders on the future of Afghanistan. But to appease the Taliban and make sure they attended, not a single women’s rights activist was invited.

One idea, way short of full recognition, could be to bring together a coalition of Islamic nations to challenge the Taliban’s understanding of Shariah and compel the group to let women and girls study and work, just as they can in other Islamic countries.

In April, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) called on the Taliban’s deputy chief minister Abdul Kabir to end the ban on education and employment for women and girls. Last year, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said that preventing education for girls is “inhumane and un-Islamic.” Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, a prominent political advisor in the United Arab Emirates, told FP that an Emirati delegation visited Kabul to discuss women’s rights. “There are so many trends in Islam, some more moderate, others more extreme. The Taliban, they are following a very backward ideology,” he said.

But Afghan women’s rights activists say that the condemnations from fellow Islamic countries appear to be more perfunctory and unserious. It could carry weight if it was a cohesive regional policy pushed by the U.S. as one of the pillars of its Afghanistan strategy. The Taliban, after all, is carrying out its oppression in the name of Islam.

Shaheen, the Taliban spokesperson, seemed to make some room for concessions when he told FP that the decision on education and employment for girls and women was pending, and subject to a report by an Afghan “committee.”

As for the next American president, ignoring Afghanistan would be at their own peril. Caging women in their homes and denying them basic rights represents a pattern of the Taliban reneging on promises—and it’s easy to imagine that extending to foreign policy.

“They are all there, all there,’’ Seraj, the activist, said. “ISIS-KP, Al Qaeda, other terrorist groups, they are all there. They are all getting training. Don’t think nothing is happening. The American intelligence knows what’s going on.”

The Taliban’s Misogyny Finally Needs a U.S. Response
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Ruling Uncharted Territory: Islamic Emirate governance in northeastern Afghanistan

The relationship between central government and political actors at the periphery has long been studied in Afghanistan in order to understand representation, legitimacy, patronage and conflict. In the years of the insurgency and since the re-establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA), the Taleban movement has remained a cohesive force in Afghanistan’s highly fragmented political landscape. However, the IEA faces challenges similar to those experienced by previous governments in how to rule, in a centralised way, a large and varied country beset by structural hurdles in terms of infrastructure and budget. This themed report focuses on northeastern Afghanistan, an area which, before August 2021, had never come under Islamic Emirate rule – the provinces of Takhar, Badakhshan and Panjshir, plus parts of Baghlan. In a new themed report, Fabrizio Foschini has been looking at the constraints and challenges that have been faced by the IEA in organising its administration there over the last three years.

A view of Ragh area, Badakhshan province. Photo by Fabrizio Foschini, 2012You can preview the report online and download it by clicking here or the download button below.

The northeast of Afghanistan constitutes a case of particular interest, given its geographical, historical and socio-political specificities. In the years between 1996 and 2001, it saw the most effective military opposition to the first Islamic Emirate. In the years after 2001, political-military networks hailing from the region maintained their importance both locally and at the central level, reaping the rewards of having helped the United States topple the first IEA. The emergence of an insurgency and its ultimate conquest of state power has removed or marginalised these elites. Elsewhere, the Emirate had years of solid shadow administration with cadre ready to take over administrative and military posts, but in the northeast, core affiliates waiting to take over were less numerous or had limited social influence.

Also complicating central rule are four decades of internal conflicts and foreign interventions, which have left scars on Afghanistan’s political landscape at the sub-national level. In the northeast, the role of local politico-military powerbrokers, based on the key elements of regional/ethnic belonging, personal connection and shared economic interests and with strong ties to the centre, was particularly evident during the Republic.

Since 2021, the IEA has had to devise strategies to expand and consolidate its rule in this region, and safeguard against possible threats to its control. In some areas, such as Panjshir, this has been pursued primarily through military occupation. Elsewhere, in most of Takhar and Badakhshan, the emphasis has been more on co-option, seeking to appease local elites in order to prevent any thought of opposition and also to tap into their influence in local communities in order to strengthen and expand the status of local IEA commanders. In doing so, Kabul initially acknowledged the relevance of locally specific human and social features: for example, wherever possible, it selected senior local officials from among its own cadre from whatever group is locally in the majority, Uzbeks or Tajiks.

Starting from late 2022, once its hold on power at the national and local levels had been consolidated, the IEA began to adopt a more hands-on approach to sub-national governance in the northeast: appointments at the provincial level became less mindful of local origins and ethnic balances of power and many prominent Taleban commanders, initially tasked with mollifying their home areas, were transferred to other provinces, while their troops – recently expanded by new recruits with no record of previous allegiance to the Emirate – have been subjected to vetting. Instances of rebellion by local IEA commanders who felt wronged have been suppressed.

This appeared to show that the IEA is wary of the risk of infiltration by hostile groups or the accumulation of unsanctioned autonomy and power by its peripheral commanders. The change in IEA strategy also pointed to the emergence of another priority – reclaiming control of mines and other economic assets from local Taleban powerbrokers and centralising the extraction of revenue.

The single most coherent IEA policy aimed at enhancing its support among locals in the northeast and creating future loyal cadres has been the expansion of the religious education system. It is also counting on government-run madrasas to counter the influence of religious groups which it opposes or mistrusts, such as Hezb ut-Tahrir and the Salafis, of particular concern to the IEA in this part of Afghanistan as a possible medium for political opposition.

Currently, the IEA seems bent on enforcing tighter control over local appointments and resources and implementing its policies more uniformly throughout northeastern Afghanistan. In doing so, it may clash with the vested interests of some of its local supporters. Its willingness and capacity to rule this region in a more centralised way without stirring opposition is still unclear.

You can preview the report online and download it by clicking here or the download button below.

AUTHORS:

Fabrizio Foschini

Ruling Uncharted Territory: Islamic Emirate governance in northeastern Afghanistan
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Human Rights Watch: Ban on girls’s educaiton in Afghanistan enters 4th year

Human Rights Watch reports that the ban on education for Afghan girls has entered its fourth year, yet the international community has not taken meaningful action to lift this restriction.

On Thursday, September 19, Human Rights Watch noted in a post on X/Twitter that the ban has drawn significant global attention this week as it marks its fourth anniversary.

The organization states that the ban on girls’ education is a systematic and misogynistic attack by the Taliban on women’s rights, entrenching gender inequality in Afghanistan’s education system.

Human Rights Watch describes the prohibition of education for girls above the sixth grade as a systematic attack that institutionalizes gender inequality in Afghanistan’s educational framework.

The organization emphasizes that this ban negatively impacts all areas of Afghan life, leading to severe social, developmental, and economic consequences for the country.

It further warns that Afghanistan will face a serious shortage of female doctors, nurses, teachers, and professionals as a result of this action.

Human Rights Watch stresses that the ban undermines women’s roles in Afghanistan society, creating an unequal and impoverished community devoid of female participation.

The organization calls on the Taliban to immediately end the ban on girls’ education and provide quality education for all. It insists that the international community must pressure the Taliban to fulfill its commitments and swiftly revoke the ban.

The ongoing restriction on girls’ education represents a grave violation of human rights and hinders Afghanistan’s progress. Urgent action is needed from the global community to restore educational opportunities for Afghan girls and support their fundamental rights.

Human Rights Watch: Ban on girls’s educaiton in Afghanistan enters 4th year
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US Envoy to UN: Normalization of Taliban relations depends on its actions

US Ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, stated on Friday that any steps toward normalizing relations with the Taliban government will depend on its actions, especially regarding the treatment of women and girls.

She expressed on social media platform X that the Taliban’s restrictions on women and girls are “deeply troubling.”

“The United States has been clear: Any meaningful steps toward normalization will be based on the Taliban’s actions, including its treatment of women and girls,” she reiterated.

Earlier, on Wednesday, Thomas-Greenfield mentioned that the situation for women and girls in Afghanistan continues to worsen under the Taliban regime.

She added, “We believe more needs to be done to hold them accountable and push them to change,” while speaking to reporters at the Washington Foreign Press Center on UN Reform.

The international community, including the United States, remains concerned about the continued restrictions on women’s rights in Afghanistan, which have sparked global criticism.

The normalization of relations with Afghanistan will likely remain stalled unless significant changes are made in the treatment of women and girls, highlighting the growing tension between the Taliban and the international community.

It remains to be seen whether the Taliban will address these concerns or continue its current policies.

US Envoy to UN: Normalization of Taliban relations depends on its actions
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UNAMA Chief: Only 30% of Afghanistan Aid Budget Secured

Otunbayeva also said that the freezing of Afghanistan’s central bank assets has limited the country’s private sector.

Roza Otunbayeva, the head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), said in a UN Security Council meeting that out of the three billion dollars requested for Afghanistan this year, only $900 million have been received.

Otunbayeva also said that the freezing of Afghanistan’s central bank assets has limited the country’s private sector.

According to the UN Secretary-General’s representative in Afghanistan, the activities of 260 fixed and mobile health centers that provided primary healthcare services in Afghanistan have ceased, affecting 2.9 million people. It is also expected that the activities of 171 more health centers will be stopped in the coming months.

Roza Otunbayeva said, “I am greatly concerned that 2024 Afghanistan humanitarian response plan is only 30% funded, with around 900 million dollars received of the three billion dollars required.”

Naseer Ahmad Faiq, Chargé d’Affaires of Afghanistan’s Permanent Mission to the UN, said in the Security Council meeting: “85% of Afghanistan’s population now living below the poverty line, 23 million people suffer from acute food insecurity, with six million people at immediate risk of starvation.”

Munir Akram, the Pakistan’s permanent representative at the UN, said: “The request to address the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan has received less than 25% of its budget. This budget must be fully paid. Pakistan is cooperating in Afghanistan’s economic recovery through trade and the banking sector.”

The representatives of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan also emphasized economic stability in Afghanistan during the meeting, saying that integrating Afghanistan into the regional economic system is beneficial for Central Asia.

The representative of Kazakhstan said, “The people of Afghanistan need support from its neighbors and international organizations, today we can’t allow the continuation of … poverty and hunger in this long suffering.”

The representative of Uzbekistan said, “We believe that to establish lasting peace in Afghanistan, the focus should be on building the national economy and transport projects.”

The Ministry of Economy said that economic sanctions, the freezing of national assets, and the reduction of humanitarian aid are among the reasons for the increase in poverty. To achieve economic growth, the global community needs to expand its economic interactions with Afghanistan.

Abdul Latif Nazari, the technical deputy of the Ministry of Economy, told TOLOnews: “The most important factor for the increase in poverty in the country is the freezing of Afghan people’s assets, which has also harmed the private sector. We want the assets of the Afghan people to be released as soon as possible. In addition, we have a special focus on job creation and infrastructure projects to accelerate Afghanistan’s economic growth and development.”

The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan said in the Security Council meeting that since the return of the Islamic Emirate, more than seven billion dollars have been provided by international donors for humanitarian aid, and more than four billion dollars for supporting the basic needs of the Afghan people.

UNAMA Chief: Only 30% of Afghanistan Aid Budget Secured
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Baghlan Sees Surge in Tourist Visits Amid Improved Security

Haqqani told TOLOnews that among these visitors, over one hundred were foreign tourists, and the rest were domestic.

Izzat Mir Haqqani, the acting head of Baghlan’s Department of Information and Culture, reported that in the first four months of this solar year, more than 40,000 domestic and foreign tourists have visited the scenic spots of this province. 

Haqqani told TOLOnews that among these visitors, over one hundred were foreign tourists, and the rest were domestic.

The acting head of Baghlan’s Department of Information and Culture stated: “In the past quarter, according to the statistics we have, more than 40,000 domestic tourists and one hundred foreign tourists have visited various sites in Baghlan.”

According to Izzat Mir Haqqani, Baghlan is one of the provinces with many historical sites; however, due to insecurity in recent years, the number of tourists visiting has been low. He pledged that security has now been established throughout the province.

The acting head of Baghlan’s Department of Information and Culture added: “Tourists from many countries, such as Germany, Japan, China, the United States, France, and recently from other countries, have visited Baghlan.”

At the same time, some military experts emphasize that to increase the number of tourists in the country, more attention should be paid to addressing security concerns.

Aziz Stanikzai, a military affairs expert, said: “Tourists who travel from one country to another are accompanied by specific individuals, both for security and health reasons, to ensure they don’t encounter any problems. We expect the Islamic Emirate to create these conditions for foreign tourists.”

Kamran Aman, another military affairs expert, said: “The government should strive not to impose restrictions on domestic and foreign tourists, as any such restrictions will result in a decrease in the number of tourists.”

Previously, officials from the Ministry of Information and Culture reported that over the past year, nearly 9,000 foreign tourists visited the country’s historical sites, generating an income of 48 million afghani.

Baghlan Sees Surge in Tourist Visits Amid Improved Security
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Afghanistan risks polio outbreak as Taliban restricts women from delivering vaccines

Afghanistan is at risk of a polio outbreak, health officials have warned, after the Taliban suspended the vaccination campaign over security fears and restrictions on women.

The World Health Organization (WHO) has confirmed 18 new cases of polio infection in the country so far this year, a significant increase from the six cases reported in 2023. Local healthcare workers say these numbers could be higher as many cases will not yet have been detected.

The Taliban had “temporarily suspended” polio vaccinations in Afghanistan, a health official involved with the campaign confirmed to the Guardian, because of security concerns and women’s involvement in administering vaccines.

A highly infectious viral disease, polio can cause paralysis and death, particularly in infants and young children.

“The reason behind the postponing of the polio campaign is the issues with the modality of implementation,” the health official explained on condition of anonymity. “The leadership of the current government has ordered us to not conduct door-to door campaigns.”

Instead, the Taliban government wants to shift vaccination efforts to local mosques, with the expectation that families would bring their children to get doses.

“This is very bad news for the polio programme,” the official said. “For the eradication to be successful, we need to cover more than 95% of the children with two doses of the vaccine.

“But without the door-to-door campaigns, we will not be able to reach [that target]. It puts the whole country at risk, even the region.”

Afghanistan and Pakistan are the only two remaining countries in the world where the polio virus is endemic.

“One of the reasons for banning door-to-door campaigns was security. The south, especially Kandahar, is where the Taliban leaders live, and they are concerned the campaigns could reveal their locations to foreign threats,” the official said.

Fake vaccination campaigns in Afghanistan and Pakistan were reportedly used by US intelligence agencies to identify and confirm terrorist hideouts, including those of Osama bin Laden. This led to massive mistrust of the campaigns across the region, with several attacks on polio workers over the past decade.

A local healthcare worker in Kandahar said that door-to-door vaccination was already banned in southern Afghanistan.

“In Kandahar and even in parts of Uruzgan province, vaccinations have been taking place only in the local mosques for many years now,” one of them said.

While the Taliban have banned women from working in various sectors, women in healthcare have largely been allowed to remain in their jobs.

However, the healthcare worker said: “Women in the southern region face restrictions from local authorities in participating in the programme, particularly in the rural areas.”

The health official agreed. “Women have been crucial to the success of the door-to-door campaigns and raising awareness of the vaccines among mothers and families since, in a deeply conservative society, men would not be allowed into those spaces,” they said.

Of the 18 cases reported this year, 11 are in Kandahar. “In the rest of Afghanistan, there are no issues with female polio workers, and in those areas where we have female workers, we don’t have cases of polio. They are directly responsible for the eradication of polio in those parts,” the official added.

“When the Taliban took over, I was happy because I thought now we would have the opportunity to completely remove polio from Kandahar,” said one 23-year-old former female polio worker, who asked to be identified only as Farhanaz.

“I was eager to travel to remote regions if needed to administer the vaccines. But when I faced restrictions, I was heartbroken,” she said.

Farhanaz said she had been working with the local vaccination campaign since she was a teenager but was forced to resign shortly after the Taliban takeover in 2021.

“Our work was crucial and effective. Preventing us [women] from doing our job will hurt the country and our children will suffer for no fault of theirs,” she warned.

The WHO has been approached for comment.

Afghanistan risks polio outbreak as Taliban restricts women from delivering vaccines
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Uzbekistan opens free economic zone on Afghan border

Voice of America


The entrance to the Airitom Free Zone from Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept 5, 2024.
The entrance to the Airitom Free Zone from Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept 5, 2024.
Afghans longing for closer connections with the outside world are finding an outlet in the border city of Termez, where neighboring Uzbekistan invites them to visit a new international trade center aimed at boosting regional trade and creating business opportunities.

“It’s uplifting to be here, as we’ve been dreaming about creating a common market for so long. Perhaps this is the beginning of it, despite all the challenges,” said Ajmalik Nader Saghpi, a visitor from Afghanistan’s Laghman Province.

Nearby, other Afghan men approach along a dedicated corridor leading from the border control area and lounge on a green lawn in front of a prayer hall.

Branded as the Airitom Free Zone, the facility sits on the banks of the Amu Darya, a river marking the border between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan and feeding much of Central Asia. Airitom is a neighborhood in Termez, the administrative center of Uzbekistan’s Surkhandarya region, which also borders Tajikistan and Turkmenistan.

Built at a cost of around $70 million, the zone spans 36 hectares and is guarded by special forces and police. It features a customs office and storage area capable of handling 100,000 trucks and 900,000 tons of goods a year.

FILE - With the free economic zone on the border, the Uzbek government hopes to boost commerce with Afghanistan and expand regional trade. This Aug. 6, 2024, photo taken in Termez, Uzbekistan, shows a model of the zone.
FILE – With the free economic zone on the border, the Uzbek government hopes to boost commerce with Afghanistan and expand regional trade. This Aug. 6, 2024, photo taken in Termez, Uzbekistan, shows a model of the zone.

It also includes a Hilton Garden Inn, a high-tech hospital, an academic campus, Uzbek and Turkish restaurants, and 50,000 square meters of business space, along with banking and legal services. It is separate from the nearby Termez Cargo Center, an international transport and logistics hub.

Abdulgaffor Ergashev, representative of the Uzbek manufacturer Aisha Home Textile, said his company is eager to export to Afghanistan and beyond. Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept. 5, 2024.
Abdulgaffor Ergashev, representative of the Uzbek manufacturer Aisha Home Textile, said his company is eager to export to Afghanistan and beyond. Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept. 5, 2024.

When VOA toured the zone in August and saw the model, managers said the site, once fully functional, is projected to generate $1.2 billion in trade and attract 1.5 million visitors a year.

Uzbekistan Urges Other Nations to Help Neighboring Afghanistan

“We’re not fantasizing,” said Bakhtiyor Rahimov, the zone’s manager, acknowledging challenges in the region. “We believe this is realistic because we have studied the neighboring country and others around us, surveyed businesses, and discussed our vision with Afghan leaders. We know they are keen to work with us.”

Those high hopes have been echoed by high-profile visitors including Uzbek Prime Minister Abdulla Aripov, Taliban’s acting Prime Minister Abdul Ghani Baradar, and cabinet members from Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan.

Uzbek Border Town Adjusts to the Taliban as Neighbors

Any foreigner can stay in the zone for two weeks visa-free. Visitors can conduct commerce in any currency, customs-free.

President Shavkat Mirziyoyev instructed that 40% of the space be allocated to Afghan manufacturers and traders, and up to 30% of the projected 5,000 jobs can go to them.

Hakim Yar, a businessman from Balkh, the nearby Afghan province, plans to open a couple of offices here for export-import and for an agricultural firm he runs in the Afghan city of Mazar-i-Sharif. He is satisfied with what’s available in the zone and is among those Afghans already occupying 5% of the space.

Qari Shergulan from Nangarhar and Ajmalik Nader Saghpi from Laghman provinces of Afghanistan talk with VOA in the Airitom Free Zone, Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept. 5, 2024.
Qari Shergulan from Nangarhar and Ajmalik Nader Saghpi from Laghman provinces of Afghanistan talk with VOA in the Airitom Free Zone, Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept. 5, 2024.

Qari Shergulan, from Nangarhar, envisions that more Afghans will come if entrepreneurs like him return home with positive experiences. He says his people are eager to seize opportunities wherever they find them and won’t waste any chance to grow.

“We have not lost our potential. We can still work, build, trade, earn, expand, and invest,” Shergulan told VOA when asked about the economic conditions in Afghanistan.

None of the Afghan visitors VOA spoke with complained about the Taliban. Instead, they praised Kabul’s cooperation with the Uzbek government and its support for efforts like the new trade center.

However, they mentioned electricity shortages, unemployment, diminishing manufacturing, and lack of opportunities across Afghanistan, particularly for youth.

Tashkent-based Central Asian University is opening a campus in the zone, promising free education and residence for 200 Afghans, as well as business training for others.

“We will soon have a visa office here,” said Mirkhamid Mirpulatov, the zone’s CEO. “Foreigners seeking work, study, or services here for a longer period can apply for visas.

“The special corridor on the border, once you cross the bridge over the Amu Darya, is only for our zone. The access is limited to this area. Those interested in doing business outside the Airitom Free Zone need additional permissions,” Mirpulatov explained.

Airitom is on the main transportation route linking Pakistan, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Russia. This is a key factor for landlocked Uzbekistan, which is eager for access to ports on the Indian Ocean. The zone is also starting daily bus service between Airitom and Mazar-i-Sharif, about 60 kilometers away.

The private hospital in the zone is a branch of Tashkent-based Akfa Medline.

“The costs here are lower than in the capital,” Mirpulatov said. “Afghans have been patients for years, so offering health care here on the border simplifies everything for them.”

With 315 staff members and state-of-the-art operating and treatment facilities, Akfa Medline has adjusted its services to mainly cater to Afghans, creating separate units for men and women, something it does not do in Tashkent.

“We’re doing this out of respect for our neighbor’s culture, just as we’re not allowing alcohol in the zone,” Mirpulatov said, denying that Airitom is run under Taliban rules. “We do discuss business with them but make our own decisions.”

Uzbek tycoon behind enterprise

Jahongir Artikkhodjayev, an Uzbek business tycoon and former mayor of Tashkent, is the mastermind behind the Airitom Free Zone. Mirpulatov confirmed that the zone is under Akfa Group, one of the largest Uzbek industrial holdings, founded and run by Artikkhodjayev.

As with other major projects in the country, President Mirziyoyev entrusted Artikkhodjayev with delivering this trade center, according to Mirpulatov, who calls Artikkhodjayev his mentor.

Akfa Group secured the funds for the zone. There is no Western involvement so far, though South Asians, Russians, Chinese and Arabs have shown interest.

Uzbekistan Seeks to Engage Taliban Without Alienating West

US view on development

When VOA asked U.S. Ambassador to Uzbekistan Jonathan Henick about the Airitom Free Zone, he underscored America’s overall position on Afghanistan and the Taliban.

“Broadly speaking, we support anything that helps ordinary Afghan people and contributes to stability along the border. We recognize that Uzbekistan has legitimate economic concerns that need to be addressed,” he said.

“That should be separate from the question of the Taliban’s desire for international recognition and access to funds. These issues must continue to be handled collectively by the international community through the Doha process,” under which some 30 countries have been discussing how to advance international engagement on Afghanistan.

An Afghan family checks out the newly opened international trade center in Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept. 5, 2024.
An Afghan family checks out the newly opened international trade center in Termez, Uzbekistan, Sept. 5, 2024.

Henick added, “We have a very strong dialogue with Uzbekistan about Afghanistan. Uzbekistan is an active participant in the Doha process. Our interests are closely aligned.”

Other Western diplomats in Tashkent agreed with Henick that recognizing the regime in Kabul, based on human rights and governance conditions, is key to normalizing relations and attracting investment.

The Taliban remain angry over a recent deal under which several dozen U.S. aircraft that were flown to Uzbekistan as the Taliban seized control in Afghanistan have been transferred to Uzbek control. But, Henick said, Washington and Tashkent maintain “a robust military and security relationship.”

At the same time, Henick told VOA: “The U.S. is the largest contributor of humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan to this day. We provide enormous amounts of aid because, like Uzbekistan, we have an interest in ensuring there is no humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.”

Uzbekistan opens free economic zone on Afghan border
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