Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson of the Islamic Emirate, stated that the interim government seeks good relations with all countries, including Iran.
The President of Iran, Masoud Pezeshkian, in a meeting with the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, on the sidelines of the BRICS summit, stressed the need for engagement with Afghanistan on regional issues, highlighting the importance of resolving existing challenges and establishing peace and stability in Afghanistan.
Masoud Pezeshkian and Narendra Modi discussed Afghanistan on the sidelines of the BRICS summit, and Pezeshkian stated that Iran supports any steps that lead to peace and stability in Afghanistan.
The Iranian Presidency, in a statement about this meeting, said: “We must engage with Afghanistan with the motivation and determination to build the future of the region. We must help the Afghan nation solve their problems and achieve peace, calm, and prosperity. The Islamic Republic of Iran supports any action that helps stabilize peace and tranquility in Afghanistan.”
Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson of the Islamic Emirate, stated that the interim government seeks good relations with all countries, including Iran.
Mujahid said: “We want good relations with both Iran and India, and we have so far strengthened our economic ties with all countries. We want to improve other relations as well.”
“In my opinion, Iran is a regional power and plays a significant role in BRICS as a full member. Iran can have a positive role in Afghanistan in all sectors, including political, economic, and cultural, and can also guide Afghanistan’s relations with the international community in a positive direction,” Sayed Akbar Sial Wardak, a political analyst, told TOLOnews.
Earlier, the President of Iran, in a meeting with the President of Tajikistan on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, also raised the issue of Afghanistan as a common concern between Tehran and Dushanbe, and highlighted cooperation between the two countries in solving Afghanistan’s problems.
Pezeshkian: Iran Supports Any Steps for Peace, Stability in Afghanistan
Meanwhile, Qatar’s special representative met with members of the German parliament to discuss strengthening peace and stability in Afghanistan.
Qatar and Italy, in a joint statement, announced the continuation of their cooperation in the Doha process and emphasized the importance of bilateral strategic talks regarding Afghanistan.
Part of the joint statement reads: “Italy is grateful to Qatar for hosting the Embassy of Italy to Afghanistan and will continue to contribute to the Doha Process on Afghanistan. In this framework, we reaffirm the importance of our bilateral Strategic Dialogue and look forward to holding its next session in Doha.”
Meanwhile, Qatar’s special representative met with members of the German parliament to discuss strengthening peace and stability in Afghanistan.
The Qatari Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated: “The meeting dealt with a number of topics of common concern, especially enhancing peace and stability in Afghanistan.”
The Islamic Emirate has also praised Qatar’s role in various Afghan issues and called on world countries to seriously work on establishing relations with Afghanistan.
Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate, said: “We appreciate Qatar’s efforts and urge countries to take their relations with Afghanistan seriously, as it will benefit all parties.”
“The third step concerns Afghanistan, where once again the understanding and cooperation between Qatar, Germany, and Italy can have positive effects on Afghanistan’s conditions,” Fazl Rahman Orya, a political analyst, told TOLOnews.
“The closer they get to Afghan issues, the more it benefits the Afghan people, and the Doha meetings, in which genuine Afghans and representatives of the Islamic Emirate are invited, will benefit both the people and the Islamic Emirate,” said Salim Paigir, another political analyst.
Last week, Qatar’s special representative for Afghanistan and Germany’s chargé d’affaires in Doha also discussed the latest developments in Afghanistan, including security, political, and humanitarian issues.
Qatar, Italy Supports Continuation of Doha Process on Afghanistan
The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) states that currently, 3.2 million children under the age of five and 840,000 pregnant and lactating women in Afghanistan are suffering from severe malnutrition.
In a report published on Monday, October 21, the federation expressed concern over the rising malnutrition rates among children and pregnant women.
The IFRC shared on the social media platform X that of these affected, 1.7 million children are experiencing severe malnutrition, poor cognitive functioning and facing a “risk of death.”
The report noted that the provinces of Paktika and Kandahar have the highest number of affected children and mothers.
According to the report, in Kandahar, more than 103,000 children and nearly 42,000 pregnant and lactating women are suffering from malnutrition. In Paktika, nearly 48,000 children and more than 17,000 pregnant and lactating women are affected.
Meanwhile, Sharafat Zaman, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Public Health of Afghanistan, told the media on Monday that efforts are being made to provide healthcare services to children and mothers affected by malnutrition.
He added, “The Ministry of Public Health is striving to increase healthcare centers and inpatient services (IPD) in provinces, remote areas, and the central regions to provide quality services to children and mothers suffering from malnutrition.”
Malnutrition is a type of disease that occurs when one or more essential nutrients are insufficient or excessively consumed.
One of the biggest nutritional issues in many developing countries is famine and the lack of essential food supplies needed for the body’s metabolism. However, malnutrition manifests in different forms, such as obesity, poor eating habits, or undernourishment, in all countries worldwide.
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), malnutrition is the leading cause of child mortality globally.
The rising malnutrition rates in Afghanistan, particularly among children and pregnant women, present a significant public health challenge, highlighting the urgent need for increased healthcare services and international aid interventions. The ongoing humanitarian crisis exacerbates this situation, making it crucial to prioritize nutrition programs to prevent further loss of life.
Comprehensive efforts from national and international organizations are essential to combat malnutrition and ensure that vulnerable populations receive the necessary support and access to basic healthcare and nutrition services.
IFRC: 3.2 million children in Afghanistan suffer from severe malnutrition
Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate, characterized the relationship between Afghanistan and Iran as trustworthy.
Ismail Baghaei, spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, addressed journalists, affirming that Iran’s policy toward Afghanistan is clear and remains consistent, regardless of any changes in leadership.
He further explained that the resolution of key issues such as terrorism and Afghan migration is contingent upon the establishment of stability and security in Afghanistan.
“If stability and security are established in Afghanistan, many other issues, including terrorism and the matter of Afghan refugees, will also be resolved. We hope to take more serious steps in this direction,” Baghaei said.
In response, Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate, characterized the relationship between Afghanistan and Iran as trustworthy. He emphasized that the interim Afghan government remains committed to fulfilling its responsibilities, particularly in ensuring security.
Mujahid highlighted several key factors, such as trade relations, the movement of Afghans to Iran, and the presence of Afghan refugees, which underline the importance of maintaining strong ties with Iran.
Zabihullah Mujahid further stated: “Afghanistan assures that in all areas, whether it’s combating smuggling or addressing security concerns, it will fulfill its duties and pay close attention to the security of its neighbors, including the Islamic Republic of Iran. We have taken and will continue to take the necessary steps in this regard.”
Political analyst Fazal Rahman Oria shared his insights with TOLOnews, saying: “Relations between countries are based on national interests. We hope that neighboring countries, particularly the Islamic Republic of Iran, will shape their relations with Afghanistan in a way that respects the national interests of Afghans.”
Additionally, according to Iranian media reports, Baghaei mentioned during the press conference that Tehran is actively pursuing the issue of securing Iran’s water rights from Afghanistan’s interim government.
Iran Reaffirms Clear Policy Toward Afghanistan, Says Stability is Key
Saif-ul-Islam Khyber highlighted that Hanafi reiterated during the meeting that no one is allowed to violate the rights of women in the country.
The acting Minister of the Ministry of Vice and Virtue, Mohammad Khalid Hanafi, stated during a meeting in Laghman province that the Islamic Emirate is fully committed to safeguarding the legitimate rights of women in Afghanistan.
Saif-ul-Islam Khyber, the ministry’s spokesperson, highlighted that Hanafi reiterated during the meeting that no one is allowed to violate the rights of women in the country.
“The rights of women are being upheld, and in many areas, they have already gained their rights. The Ministry of Vice and Virtue does not permit anyone to oppress women or subject them to unjust traditions,” Khyber told TOLOnews.
According to Khyber, Hanafi also emphasized that local officials and religious scholars are obligated to enforce the decrees, rulings, and directives of the leader of the Islamic Emirate in civilian, military, and societal matters.
Samiullah Mohammadi, a religious scholar, added: “Our request is that progress in women’s education should be made according to Islamic laws and Sharia rulings, and women should be allowed to pursue it.”
Hanafi further stressed that the ministry’s officials must respect the privacy of individuals and treat people with kindness and dignity.
Islamic Emirate Pledges to Uphold Women’s Rights: Hanafi
The lack of immediate intervention in this crisis will lead to a worrying increase in deaths, especially among children under the age of five.
The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, in a joint report, announced that 3.2 million children under five years and 840,000 pregnant and lactating women are now suffering from acute malnutrition in Afghanistan.
The report said that 1.7 million children are suffering from severe acute malnutrition and associated medical complications.
According to the report, the highest cases of malnutrition have been recorded in Kandahar and Paktika provinces.
The report warns that from May to September of this year, the number of people suffering from malnutrition has increased significantly, reaching a concerning level.
The report states: “The situation and fatalities are expected to deteriorate further with the onset of the winter season hence the need to reduce acute hunger before its peak in December and February to avoid significant loss of lives.”
Prolonged drought, natural shocks, displacement of populations, the sudden rise in the cost of living, food insecurity and massive unemployment are cited as factors that have caused children and women to suffer from malnutrition.
According to the two organizations, the lack of immediate intervention in this crisis will lead to a worrying increase in deaths, especially among children under the age of five.
The report also indicates that heavy snowfall in Paktika and Kandahar provinces will soon make many areas inaccessible, posing serious challenges to the delivery of essential supplies.
Additionally, pregnant women are at risk of giving birth to babies with low birth weight and congenital abnormalities.
Afghanistan has been grappling with severe economic, social, and natural crises for years, affecting the lives of millions of people.
Report Raises Alarm Over Acute Malnutrition in Afghanistan
Poetry forms a rich and popular strand of Afghan culture that can have real influence on society, and the Taleban, as insurgents, and now as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) have drawn on this. During the insurgency, poetry was an important propaganda tool used to promote jihad, mock the ‘invaders’ and venerate the martyrs. That poetry has continued since the 2021 takeover, but its style and content have changed dramatically. Patriotism and love of Afghanistan have replaced the themes of war and destruction, and the IEA is now investing some of its scant state resources into poetic public information campaigns. Given how many other forms of cultural expression are banned by the Emirate, unaccompanied, chant-like taranas have become the closest permissible thing to music. Given Afghans’ love of poetry, argues AAN’s Sabawoon Samim, it can touch at least some listeners’ hearts deeply.
When the Emirate came to power in August 2021, music was, as AAN reported in November 2021, “one of the first casualties,” even though, at first, it was only unofficially banned (see also our 2023 report on what had happened to five musicians, young and old). This prohibition encouraged the rise of the only songs that the Taleban believe Islamic law allows, those that are unaccompanied by instruments and are voice-only. Most famously are the taranas, with their “melodies and texts deeply rooted in Pashtun folk culture, but unaccompanied by instruments,” as described in our November 2021 report.
Taranas are closely associated with the Taleban and the author has observed that choosing to listen to them tends to be a good indicator of support for the Emirate. You hear them, especially in rural areas where the Emirate has a large constituency. In towns and cities, by contrast, many young people refrain from listening to them, given the taranas’ association with the IEA, and instead find ways to enjoy banned music privately online, on platforms such as YouTube.
Guests at wedding halls, restaurants and other public spaces might also prefer other forms of music, but given the ban, they turn to taranas as the only legal source of musical entertainment. One interviewee told the author: “Taranas are different from music both in content and the way they are sung, but they are better than nothing.” In Kabul’s restaurants, for example, taranas – many of which are the old popular songs now performed a cappella – have replaced other forms of piped music. In Kabul’s wedding halls, where once the sound of live music filled the air, wedding guests are now entertained by the melodies of taranas, while at graduation ceremonies, students and guests are serenaded by songs extolling the virtues of education. The same is true of what is on offer on domestic radio stations. Taxi drivers, who usually put the radio on to break the monotony of their days, now play taranas rather than what was ubiquitous pop music; callers now telephone in to stations to request their favourite tarana instead of their favourite pop song.
Interestingly, some of the taranas now duplicate musical compositions of Pashto, Dari and Hindi songs, sung accompanied by beatboxing – percussive sounds produced by the human voice – in lieu of instruments. Although these kinds of taranas are officially banned (see for example this Pajhwok News report), they have a wide fanbase among both Taleban and non-Taleban, given their more musical feel, and more and more are being produced in private studios (see, for example, this and this tarana).
Drawing on seven in-depth conversations with Taleban poets and members of the Cultural Commission of the Taleban’s shadow government during the insurgency, and analysis of more than two dozen poems from both the insurgency era and the present, this paper looks at how poetry and taranas have become key features of the second Emirate rule. It first explores the high status of poetry in Afghan society and how the Taleban, as insurgents, drew on a long tradition of using it to recruit and galvanise fighters. It then considers how, since the takeover, the IEA has systematically invested in taranas, including promoting new themes of patriotism, unity and development. It finds that poetry is also one of the few ways that members of the movement can convey criticism.
State-produced poetry
As taranas grow in popularity, filling the void left by the ban on other music, the Emirate authorities are investing considerable attention and state resources in creating and promoting them. The government’s aim appears to be fostering patriotism, promoting its religious ideology, sharing the Emirate’s narrative of itself as the liberator and protector of Afghanistan and attempting to gain greater legitimacy among Afghans. A Taleban-affiliated poet from Paktia described the usefulness of this policy more bluntly: “Poetry is an essential resource for a state to cleanse the toxins that infidels have injected into the hearts of Afghans.” Similarly, another interviewee, a Taleban official in Khost province, remarked:
In other societies, people may be less emotional, but in Afghanistan, emotions hold sway, shaping everything. The significance of poetry lies in its profound impact on emotions, which makes it highly effective here.
All our interviewees agreed that senior figures within the movement find taranas and poetry in general effective tools for fostering patriotism and unity as well as conveying the movement’s identity. One senior Taleban official in a civilian ministry presented it as a tool for reconciliation:
It’s very important for people with political differences to gather together. Discussing ideas and sharing thoughts is the first step towards understanding and knowing each other. Through these events, the Emirate wants to tell people that we are [all] the same. We don’t only know war, we also know peace and love.
Emirate officials believe this strategy is making headway, as highlighted by a mid-level Taleban official from the Ministry of Information and Culture: “On social media, we’re watching an increased number of Afghans from across the country listening to taranas, particularly those about the motherland.” The author has also observed Taleban taranas with over a million views on YouTube and hundreds of public comments (see, for example, videos here, here and here).
The Emirate has taken steps to regulate and control this growth with the establishment of the Taranum[1] and Culture Directorate under the auspices of the Technical and Vocation Education and Training Authority (TVETA). The Directorate is responsible for “organising poets and singers, overseeing taranas, aligning them with Islamic [values] and [Emirate] policies and removing instruments from them,” as its deputy Mawlawi Ghulam Said Ihsas said at the TEVET ‘Accountability Session to the Afghan Nation’ (televised by state broadcaster Radio Television Afghanistan (RTA) and accessible here).
The authorities have also taken steps to professionalise and enhance the quality of taranas. In contrast to during the insurgency, taranas are not only produced in audio but are now also available as music videos. (While videos are now illegal under the new Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice law, issued in August 2024, enforcement appears to be patchy at most.) TVETA has established a new studio for tarana singers, who are also given access to additional studios at the state-owned broadcaster, RTA and ministries, such as the Ministry of Information and Culture and the Ministry of Interior. By the end of 2023, according to Ihsas, TEVTA alone had published more than 200 taranas. State-produced taranas have also been published on official social media accounts such as RTA Music (see for example this and this video).
Another key step the IEA has taken is organising poetry programmes, most of which are also televised. These are large gatherings of poets, government officials and people from across Afghanistan held in different provinces where poets recite their poems to a wide audience. Although the Emirate’s poetry events are typically limited to recitations, RTA and other channels often broadcast poetry gatherings which include a type of poetry contest, musha’ara, that involves replying to one poem with another. RTA has a programme called ‘Cheena’ (spring water), where it invites senior figures, such as Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi and spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahed, alongside leading poets and tarana singers.
Regional Ministry of Information directorates also host annual poetry evenings, mostly in Pashto-speaking provinces, that can boast hundreds of participants, including Taleban-affiliated and other poets, young men and government officials. Famous non-Taleban poets, such as Pir Muhammad Karwan, Matiullah Turab and Alim Bismil join younger, emerging bards and are given the stage to declaim their poetry. Last year, poets from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa on the other side of the Durand Line who hold a Pashtun nationalist political stance and supported the former Republic were invited to Nangrahar’s historical and famous Naranj Gul poetry event and VIP reception. The poetry at these events tends to be diverse, containing patriotic, romantic and satirical poems, as well as those condemning Pakistan, Iran and the West.
The Emirate also often uses taranas in its official media, ceremonies and propaganda. For example, when the Emirate announces a new reconstruction project, the video is often scored with a tarana (see, for example, this state-owned Bakhtar New Agency video on X).
The Emirate’s has embrace of poetry, especially the tarana, has arisen not only because it has banned or suppressed so many other cultural expressions but also because poetry is a bedrock of Afghan identity and culture and a potent force to be exploited. Poetry was especially important for inspiring fighters during the various phases of Afghanistan’s long war, a tradition which the Taleban as insurgents built on. These factors will be addressed in the following sections before the paper returns to how the Emirate is deploying taranas today, including the transformation of their subject matter.
Poetry in Afghanistan
Afghanistan’s culture boasts a rich and diverse poetic history that is deeply embedded in Afghan society in all linguistic traditions. Poems are used to welcome a newborn into the world and bid farewell to the deceased. When a child is born, their mother may sing spiritual poetry to instil a sense of connection to the divine. If a child cries, a parent, grandparent or older sibling might sing a soothing poem to calm or help them fall asleep. Poetry provides consolation and often carries valuable lessons in times of sorrow or hardship. More mundane examples include the rhyming couplets frequently seen stuck onto the rear windows of cars (see this AAN report for examples) or written by pupils in the margins of their school textbooks or on social media. A famous saying in eastern Afghanistan sums up the omnipresence of poetry in the country: “When you move a rock, you may find a poet underneath.”
Every ethnic group in Afghanistan has its revered poets, many of whom are treasured and shared across ethnic and linguistic lines. As the Afghan poet Reza Mohammadi notes in this editorial for the Guardian in 2012, “Whether we are Tajik, Hazara, Pashtun, Uzbek, Turkmen, Nuristani, Baluch, or any other of the hundreds of sub-ethnic groups, Afghans are threaded together by poetry.” Somehow it is the Persian poets, such as the thirteenth century ‘Mawlana’, Jalaluddin Rumi, born in Balkh in what is now Afghanistan, that have attained a global reach (though, as this essay notes, the price of his fame was the “erasure” of his Muslim identity for western audiences).
Poetry is also deeply intertwined in centuries-old Pashto literary traditions. The 8th century Afghan king, Amir Kror Suri, is regarded as the first Pashto poet whose work was recorded for posterity:[2]
I am a lion In the world there is none more powerful Neither In India, Sind, Takhar nor Kabul Nor is there any in the plains of Zabul There is none mightier than me The arrows of my strong decision, like lightning fall On the fleeing and escaping enemy l boldly recall Defeated in battle they have been all. There is no mightier than me.
One distinctive form of Pashto poetry is the landay or tappa, a 22-syllable rhyming couplet with a specific rhythmic and syllabic structure. This is a strong oral tradition, with landays mainly composed and recited by women. The female poets, themselves, are often unnamed and unknown. Landays address a wide range of daily issues and social themes and leave virtually no part of life untouched. (A rare collection of landays was made by the American poet Eliza Griswold, who worked with Afghan poets to translate their poetry for a 2015 book; some of the poems also feature in this essay).
Afghan literature also includes a rich tradition of epic poetry known as hamasi poetry.[3] Used to honour heroes and heroines of war and rally support for battles, hamasi poetry has adapted to changes in circumstances and typically reaches its literary peaks during times of war. For example, during the early 12th century, Pashtun poet and leader Khushal Khan Khattak deployed his poems against the Mughals, encouraging resistance against their invasion and cruelty. Similarly, during the second Anglo-Afghan war in 1919, Malalai’s two-line tappa rallied Afghan morale and spirit, contributing to their victory in the Battle of Maiwand against the British:[4]
Young love, if you do not fall in the battle of Maiwand, By God, someone is saving you as a symbol of shame!
In more recent history, the Soviet-Afghan war during the 1980s once again witnessed a surge in hamasi poetry. Poets captured the inhumane nature of the war and of Soviet aggression, inspiring resistance fighters such as in the poem below by the famous Dari poet, Khalilullah Khalili, which praises the mujahedin (see here):
Brave one, I admire your passionate eyes. The homeland is waiting for your strength. Fight fiercely – make [the enemy] bleed, thrash it, set it on fire. What could be worse than having the enemy in your own land? The homeland is looking to you, waiting for you to prove your skill in battle.
Even after the Soviets departed, poetry remained alive within the mujahedin factions. The themes, however, shifted to celebrating victory and praising commanders and leaders. The Taleban, who were part of the fight against the Soviets, fully embraced this poetic tradition. When they gained power in 1996, they banned music but encouraged taranas.
That said, poetry and taranas were not very pervasive in the early days of the Taleban movement. One interviewee claimed that only “a handful of poets existed and the taranas were also scarce.” During the first Emirate, taranas focused on specific issues, such as describing the Taleban movement, praising God and the Prophet Muhammad and highlighting heroism in their conflict against other mujahedin factions. Interviewees noted that at the time, the Taleban had not composed taranas of their own as they would in later years. Rather, theirs was a continuation of the poetry practice inherited from the jihad era and the earlier epic (hamasi) poetry.
A twentieth-century depiction of the most famous Afghan war poet, Malalai, whose two-line tappa rallied her comrades to defeat the British at the Battle of Maiwand in 1880 during the second Anglo-Afghan War (unknown artist).
The poetry of the insurgents
It was during the long years of insurgency against the Islamic Republic and its foreign backers that the Taleban movement began to effectively use taranas to inspire jihad. After the first Emirate collapsed in the face of heavy United States bombardment in 2001, the movement eventually regrouped as an armed insurgency. Again calling themselves ‘mujahedin’, their poetry echoed that of the anti-Soviet jihad. It was used to boost morale, call men to arms and legitimise the war effort. It soon became an essential feature of the post-2001 Taleban movement, with more poets and singers offering a growing number of poems reflecting the themes of the movement’s new jihad. The key poetic form was the tarana.
The taranas of the insurgency were so vivid and powerful that several Taleban interviewees believed they could by themselves rouse young men to take up arms. “When the youth would listen to these taranas,” said one interviewee, a local Emirate official in Khost, “their emotions would go up and the only place they could find relief was in action and by joining [our] ranks.” Another Taleban interviewee said they could also cause the enemy to defect: “The taranas were so powerful that if a soldier of the Republic listened to them, he might leave his post and join us instead.” A Taleban soldier from Nangrahar concurred that poetry had been a recruiting tool: “During the jihad, people did not listen much to taranas, but for those who did, it was nearly impossible for them not to join [us].” Another interviewee from Khost province recalled:
A soldier of [the Republic] had beaten one of my friends up badly, while he was still at school. He was very angry with the government. I took the opportunity to send him hundreds of taranas. A month later, he slowly reached out to our group and, in the end, joined us. He was later martyred.
According to a New York Times report) from 2019, Taleban suicide bombers who failed in their missions and were arrested were observed reciting poems to their fellow prisoners, suggesting their deep familiarity with the poetry. One bomber quoted in the piece, whose device detonated prematurely, sang a poem about what the prison was for him:
In our chains, there are lessons to be learned. The sun shines and reveals the secrets of our world. The chains are beautiful, creations of God: The chains on our hands hurt us, But the scars on our hands teach us.
Analysis created in support of the US military’s counter-insurgency operations during this period certainly saw the Taleban’s taranas as a threat to their own information war – see for example, this 2009 paper from the Naval Postgraduate School, ‘Understanding Afghan Culture’, which purports to:
Offer IO [information operation] practitioners and analysts valuable insight into the power of poetry within the Afghan battle space. … The intention of this paper is to help operationalize the many facets poetry offers U.S. and Coalition forces.
Another paper from 2011, casts the overlooked power of the Taleban’s taranas as emblematic of the West’s failure:
The Taliban taranas appear to be deeply rooted in the Afghan psyche. They appeal to emotions the West do not and have not tried to understand. This lack of understanding, in part, has ultimately doomed Western engagement in Afghanistan.
On this last point, the Taleban and Americans might now agree. The leadership of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan continues to appreciate the poetry of the insurgency. On a stand at the entrance of the Directorate of Taranum and Farhang (Singing and Culture) of the Technical and Vocational Education and Training Authority, it is written:
No one can be blind to the compelling role played by the singers of taranas in propaganda, intellectual and psychological warfare.
Poetry, then and now
Although a significant portion of the taranas during the insurgency revolved around the conflict, the poetry was diverse, lamenting the burdens of war and contrasting the oppression of foreign invaders with the heroism and resistance displayed by the ‘occupied’. Consider the following three poems: [5]
We’re not mad to seek death Our love for freedom drives us Our dignity endures We struggle for noble goals, suffering the mountains and sleepless nights Every step brings bitter memories Yet we walk barefoot through life’s ups and downs all in pursuit of the sacred.
***
If the entire universe conspires against me I shall still stand, unwavering on the battlefield of honour and dignity. My heart beats for sacrifices and freedom A living memory of the brave youth of Uhud.
***
Jihad is my path Through hardships, I embrace [my] love for freedom. A lone Taleb I step into the battle of honour – a thorn in the world’s eyes fuelled by love of liberty.
Such poems resonated with young Afghan men often disgruntled with the US-led coalition and what they saw as the foreigner-installed Republic. Listening to these taranas reminded Taleban fighters, as one interviewee put it, “not to forget what the invaders were doing and [also] that we were responsible for stopping them.” Another interviewee, now a member of the Emirate’s police force, recalled that during their stays in mosques, playing taranas would stir the comrades’ emotions and they would urge the commander in charge to begin the attack, demanding to know what he was waiting for and why they were just sitting around.
In those days, there were also taranas of victimhood, including memorialising the civilian victims of international forces. An English language 2012 anthology, Poetry of the Taleban, edited by Alex Strick van Linschoten, included a poem about a wedding party that had been bombed, killing both bride and groom: “But the news brings press releases from Bagram / Saying that ‘we have killed the terrorists” (p 41). Criticism of the United States and the Republic was a common theme, as was mockery, seen in this ode (p 118) to the end of President George W Bush’s tenure in 2009:
Karzai: Give me your hand as you go; Turn your face as you disappear. Bush: Sorrow takes over and overwhelms me; My darling! Take care of yourself and I will take care of myself.
For the Taleban, these poems served a purpose beyond mere propaganda; they were an attempt to humanise the war and Taleban suffering and express deep inner feelings. One interviewee, a Taleban poet who now works in a civilian ministry, said that for some mujahedin, fighting the enemy was not sufficient: they needed the powerful outlet of writing or reciting poetry to also satisfy their need for action. Poetry, the interviewee said, was also “the weeping that comes from the hearts of those who … were unable to physically resist the occupation and the injustice through [armed] jihad.”
How poetry changed after the capture of power
The wartime themes shifted after August 2021 when the Taleban gained control over all Afghanistan. Poets were quick to celebrate the victory they had secured and emphasise the defeat they had inflicted upon their enemies. After assessing more than a dozen poems from this early period of IEA rule, the author found they were exclusively focused on the victory, for example:
They have defeated the coalition of 40 countries The Taleb has won the 20-year war Their flag is white, flying high Their purpose and movement are white. This is the brave Taleb jan Who has crushed the puppet soldiers all the way to Kabul And won the 20-year war.
Another poem conveys a similar message: Felicitations on the Afghan victory I see the Taleban everywhere Congratulations These Crusaders have been ripped apart Praise be, they have turned to dust Blessings on this bittersweet victory.
After that initial ‘poetry of victory’ period, other themes have subsequently emerged in the three years since 2021. For example, the Taleban also tried to present themselves as the defenders and liberators of Afghanistan:[6]
From the long winter nights and the icy snow To fatigue on the battlefield And bruised and broken feet To the dark nights of the Tor Ghar We have long embraced the gunpowder and sacrificed Mansuri youth To discharge our debt to you O motherland, we offered our blood to you.
These poems have a strong narrative of sovereignty and independence. This reflects the Emirate’s boasts that it does not operate under foreign influence nor, as one interviewee from a civilian ministry put it, do its officials hold “the passports of other countries,” referring to the dual citizenships held by some of the officials of the Republic.
Our interviewees also highlighted a patriotic desire at this time, reflected in official taranas, to promote prosperity and development in Afghanistan after decades of conflict. One Taleban-affiliated poet said: “In the past, the sole goal was jihad, but now that era has ended. Instead of war, our current objective is to rebuild Afghanistan.” Poems such as this one capture the mood well:
What great transformation God’s mercy has brought about Those who made bombs are making pearls They have given everyone their rights They are rebuilding their devastated homeland.
Another poem conveys a similar sentiment:
Now that I have freed you I will rebuild you and make you shine again Homeland is the cure for hearts Life breathes, breathes and heals My desolate country, beloved homeland, needs our care It needs the lost Taleb inside its heart It is black, it is on fire, it wants to be rebuilt.
This poem suggests Afghanistan is now developing after years of violence:
Quickly progressing country You are flourishing again My beloved, beloved homeland None rival your beauty But the war-torn country is wounded. Advance! You will rise again You will flourish.
In this poem, patriotism is fused with a yearning for peace and normality:
I will envelope you with a green shawl I will make this country like a thousand others I will protect it with my life’s blood I will sacrifice for it my flesh I call this a marker of faith My soul is renewed and gleams I see the green panoramas of the country People from heaven shielded you, may God protect you from further adversity May God make no mother childless here Be strong and end the night of guns As we have freed you from occupation We stand with you.
Sacrifice, a common motif in wartime poetry, remained after August 2021, although now it was enjoined in the cause of development:
Afghanistan will grow green and flourish I have planted you in my heart Beloved Afghanistan When someone takes your name I roar that I will be sacrificed for you, Afghanistan. ***
We will rebuild you, homeland This promise we make We will sacrifice our life We will never let anyone [harm] you As in you roam the Taleban’s caravans.
Other poems urge the Taleban to be protectors of the realm:[7]
Be the guardian of the homeland
Rebuild the wasteland
This country, Taleb jan, wants reconstruction
Treat its wounded body sincerely
You are the ibn Qasim of the age
protect it by all means
Take care of this nation through education and instruction
Bring the people closer to you; bring them inside your heart
Rule their hearts
For all shall praise you
Personify Omari principles
History will honour you.
***
Let’s build our country, compete with the world We will make it flourish, like paradise We are bound to progress We are serving its beauty and unity
***
Long live the house of Muslims, beloved Afghanistan This homeland of martyrs The homeland of heroes It is a piece of our hearts Hell for others, heaven for its people Its air is heavenly, Every desert is heavenly It is bursting with rubies and gems
***
I am in love with you I am the guardian of this realm My purpose strong I am a Badri soldier I have no care for riches, no care for myself I am like a star Shining bright for you.
Another key aim of the poetry being disseminated is the promotion of unity among Afghanistan’s diverse ethnicities. The Taleban want to distance themselves from being labelled as a Pashtun movement (although senior appointments evidence otherwise – see AAN reporting from 2021 and, more recently, this 2023 report by a panel of UN experts). One interviewee said that content promoting harmony was effective in countering the divisive “propaganda” that anti-Taleban political groups propagate. The unity theme can be seen here, for example:
Light the light of unity Erase hatred with unity Even if the world tries to sow discord We are bound together in unity.
The poem below stresses that the varied ethnicities in Afghanistan make up a unified Muslim homeland:
This heavenly, heavenly country Shrines and dusty graves adorn the homeland May its tears become pearls and its wounds flowers May the strangers be gone forever May it never be soaked in blood again Tajik and Hazara are brothers here Be they Pashai, Pashtun or Uzbek, they are brothers The country is the home of Muslims, One nation, one united homeland.
The theme of obedience also looms large in the Taleban’s poetry, promoting loyalty to the Amir. See these two poems, for example:[8]
Do not be neglectful There is honour in obedience Obedience is the secret to success and happiness Do not build your life on betrayal O shepherd, gain high honours through obedience
***
Do not stray from obedience to these three
First Allah, second the Prophet, third the Amir.
These are the keys to exultation
First, intention; second, piety; third, planning.
Mujahed, always keep on your breath
First, hamd; second, prayer, third, takbir.
Beyond shaping public perceptions, Taleban poetry also reveals the movement’s conservativism. For instance, this poem by Ikram Maftun, a provincial official, highlights the dim views of his fellow Taleban towards NGOs and what he sees as trappings of modernity, such as television:
If the Quran’s commands are not fully applied Tell me, how would you protect its dignity? In the face of infidel NGOs how would you protect the honour, faith and values of Afghans? In the time of mobiles and television depravity How would you protect girls and the youth from immorality?
Not all taranas are officially sanctioned, however. Indeed, poetry has become one of the only platforms where Taleban fighters can voice criticism and alert the Emirate to potential problems. In public poetry events, one can hear poems that caution leaders and fighters not to deviate from the cause. In private gatherings as well, Taleban poets are blunt about the risk of power corrupting. This poem, for example, reflects the concerns of older Taleban members about their superiors practising favouritism:
Offices have changed the comrades Big positions and high ranks have changed the comrades They have forgotten the weary comrades of battlefields They have forgotten the friend of the bad days Now, they only remember and see their in-laws and brothers Now, they only know their tribesmen, villagers and cousins.
Another poem criticises nepotism within the Emirate:[9]
Thanks to nepotism and connections The arbakai has now become a mujahed There is no need for aptitude and piety The only thing you need is a connection with an official.
Conclusion
Since the re-establishment of the Islamic Emirate, The Taleban have endeavoured to reframe their identity from fighters to rulers. Not surprisingly, given the importance of poetry to the movement as a means of propaganda and recruitment during the insurgency, they have continued to turn to poetry. Taranas, in particular, sung as chants or a capella anthems, have real power in a society where the poetic tradition is part of everyday life. The Emirate’s campaign to systematically promote poetry using state resources is a sign of how successful they believe it was during the insurgency and how powerful it can continue to be.
As the context has changed, the Emirate’s strategy has also evolved. During the insurgency, the audience primarily consisted of rural Afghans, often Taleban sympathisers and their own fighters. Unlike today, resources were scarce and the movement struggled to reach a broader audience. Now, the IEA recognises it has new audiences, some of whom have long viewed them as adversaries. Correcting this perception is an urgent priority. It has therefore shifted its focus towards themes shared by both Taleban and non-Taleban Afghans, such as patriotism, unity and development. These powerful sentiments are now the arenas through which the Emirate seeks to influence hearts and minds.
For their own members, poetry is used to foster obedience to the Amir and the Emirate. The lives of former fighters have been dramatically altered by the change in their fortunes, with all the power and resources that such a position affords the victor. Taranas are being used to motivate their loyalty and – perhaps more optimistically – offer reassurance to any sceptics in the ranks. Some of those sceptics are disgruntled poets who use poetry to convey their concerns and caution their leaders – sometimes even face-to-face. In a video posted on X, a Taleban-affiliated poet, Nemat Lewanay, sitting with acting Defence Minister Mullah Yaqub cautioned him and other Taleban leaders against forgetting their jihad-era comrades and turning towards worldly pleasures:
I appreciate you are busy But not this much You no longer feel the old love Comfort brought extravagance Gone is our reverence for the mountains If vanity and prejudice do not unseat us No power in the world can stand against us Those who neglect old comrades have no honour.
Edited by Rachel Reid, Roxanna Shapour and Kate Clark
References
References
↑1
Taranum is the formal plural of tarana.
↑2
For a detailed background, see ‘Amir Korer Suri as the First Poet of Pashto’ by Ghulam Sakhi Himat and Azizurahman Haqyaar in the International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Biotechnology, 2021.
↑3
Hamasi means ‘epic’ in Pashto: hamasi poems are focused on war, heroism and commemorating heroes (read more about Pashto epics here). In modern times, hamasi cover all war-related issues.
The reference in the second poem to the ‘youth of Uhud’ is to the companions of the Prophet Muhammad who participated in the Battle of Uhud, the second major battle between the Muslims and the (non-believing) Quraysh of Mecca, fought in 625 CE. The Muslims, with an army of around 700 men, faced the approximately 3000-strong Quraysh and, despite being outnumbered, were victorious.
↑6
The reference to Tor Ghar (the Black Mountain) in this poem is to a mountain in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province on the other side of the Durand Line, used here as a stand-in for all of Afghanistan’s high mountain chains. The ‘Mansuri youth’ likely refers to the 10th century Persian Sufi thinker, Mansur Halaj, who gained a large following as a preacher before becoming embroiled in a power struggle with the Abbasid court. He was executed after a long period of imprisonment on religious and political charges.
↑7
Muḥammad ibn al-Qasim al-Saqafī, mentioned in this poem, was the 8th-century military commander who led the Muslim conquest of Sindh in India for the Umayyad Caliphate.
The poet also lauds ‘Omari qualities’, referring to the virtues attributed to Mullah Muhammad Omar, one of the founders of the Taleban movement and its first supreme leader.
The poet also describes himself as a ‘Badri soldier’. This is a reference to the 313 companions of the Prophet Muhammad who participated in the Battle of Badr, an important early battle fought in 624 CE. Muslims honour these 313 men as a symbol of bravery, given they defeated an army of 1,000 non-believers.
↑8
The poem mentions ‘hamd’, a word from the Quran used exclusively to refer to the praise of God. ‘Takbir’ is the Arabic term for the phrase, ‘Allahu akbar’ (God is the greatest). This phrase is used to glorify God and is recited in Islamic rituals and events.
↑9
Arbakai is a term from Loya Paktia for tribally-raised and controlled temporary local militias. It became an insult during the Republic, used to describe pro-government armed groups, including the Afghan Local Police (ALP) and uprising groups.
The Poetry of the Emirate: From insurgent war propaganda to state-sponsored PR
Nineteen talented Afghan women, whose university education was cut short by the Taliban, now have a chance to fulfill their dreams in Scotland. They’re all aiming to be doctors and have been given places at Scottish medical schools through a program created in memory of a Scottish aid worker killed in tragic circumstances in Afghanistan 14 years ago. Special correspondent Malcolm Brabant reports.
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Notice: Transcripts are machine and human generated and lightly edited for accuracy. They may contain errors.
Geoff Bennett:
And now a story about the power of determination and turning grief into a force for good.
Nineteen talented Afghan female university students whose educations were cut short by the Taliban have been given the chance to fulfill their dreams in Scotland. They’re all aiming to be doctors, and they have been given places at Scottish medical schools.
As special correspondent Malcolm Brabant reports, the program is the legacy of a young Scottish aid worker killed in tragic circumstances in Afghanistan 14 years ago.
Malcolm Brabant:
St. Andrews is the home of Scotland’s most prestigious university. For trainee doctor Banin Sultani, it’s worlds away from planet Taliban.
Banin Sultani, Medical Student:
I love Scotland. The people are so friendly. I love the people, because their attitude is so much different. They’re open-minded. I really love it.
Malcolm Brabant:
How do you feel about the freedom you have in Scotland, the freedom to be a woman?
Banin Sultani:
Yes. Actually, the freedom is something that existed in the soul of every human. And I think here is that opportunity. We can use from the freedom that every single human has. And here is the place I can use it.
Malcolm Brabant:
Fifteen miles north, Dundee’s medical school has given Hajera Safi a second chance to become a doctor. She was two years away from qualifying when the Taliban canceled her studies.
Hajera Safi, Medical Student:
Of course, it’s very heartbreaking and sad that you are stopped from going to university or going to give your exam. It’s like you’re taking a basic human right from someone, and just like someone is breathing and just someone is eating something. You are taking that from them.
How can they be surviving in that environment then?
Malcolm Brabant:
I’m on a ferry from the Northwestern Scottish mainland going to the island of Lewis, which is part of the Hebrides archipelago. It’s one of the most remote places in the United Kingdom. My journey, of course, is nothing compared to that of the Afghan students.
But I’m going to see the remarkable people who have made it possible for the Afghans to become doctors.
John Norgrove, Linda Norgrove Foundation:
Is that her on top of the tank?
Lorna Norgrove, Linda Norgrove Foundation:
Yes. Yes.
John Norgrove:
I haven’t seen that one before.
Malcolm Brabant:
After their daughter Linda was killed in Afghanistan in 2010, John and Lorna Norgrove channeled their grief into a force for good by creating a nonprofit in her name.
Linda Norgrove was kidnapped by the Taliban and died in a grenade blast when a rescue attempt by American special forces went wrong. She lies in a simple grave overlooking a bay where as a child she rode horses with her younger sister, Sofie.
Lorna Norgrove:
It wasn’t our daughter that the Taliban were looking for that day. It was actually her boss. Linda was in the wrong place at the wrong time.
I think you have got to forgive. It wouldn’t have done us any good to blame and to go down that route. It was much better for us to do something a bit positive and to try and do something she would have approved of and which would help people in Afghanistan.
John Norgrove:
We’re a very small charity. I think we’re a drop in the ocean. There’s a huge, huge need in that country. So we’re just a drop in the ocean. But we make a huge difference to individuals. That’s for sure. And that’s the real pleasure of it, being able to change individual people’s lives.
Malcolm Brabant:
Do you think that you will ever be able to go back to Afghanistan to practice medicine, or do you think that you will forever be in exile because you are a woman?
Hajera Safi:
Well, we all have a hope, because that’s something I believe in. And we all hope for the better. Of course, I want to go back and serve my people.
Malcolm Brabant:
Under pressure from the Linda Norgrove Foundation, the Scottish government amended education legislation to enable the Afghan students to receive free tuition and cost of living support.
Ellie Hothersall-Davis is head of undergraduate medicine.
How much do you hope that the Taliban is actually watching what is happening here to perhaps learn that women are worth educating?
Ellie Hothersall-Davis, School of Medicine, University of Dundee: I really hope that they see the value in educating women. I think to undermine that value is so counterproductive and will lead to everybody suffering. You need equality in education, equality in health care to look after everybody.
Malcolm Brabant:
Dr. Panna Muqit is a senior lecturer and clinical mentor at St. Andrews Medical School. She says the Taliban’s interpretation of Islam is wrong.
Dr. Panna Muqit, School of Medicine, University of St. Andrews: I think it’s vital that women are educated. And Islam has always taught that a woman ought to be highly educated because she effectively is taking care of the next generation, with her husband, of course, but she plays a primary role.
And to have an uneducated woman in a household is not a good thing and definitely not something that’s celebrated by Islam, if you study the religion properly, not through the interpretation of the Taliban.
Malcolm Brabant:
How determined are you to become a doctor? What sort of drive and ambition do you have?
Banin Sultani:
Actually, we are always asked that, when you finish your medicine, do you supposed to go to your own country or be here? But I want to say, like, my aim is to serve the world, not — or serve the humanity, not the specific people in Afghanistan or other countries.
Malcolm Brabant:
What message would you send to women and girls in Afghanistan?
Hajera Safi:
That always believe on yourself, don’t give up. After every dark night, there is a bright and shiny, sunny day, so that’s all in our life happens. Even I would always say that, if you educate a man, you educate a man. If you educate a woman, you educate a generation.
So always believe on that statement and stick to that.
Lorna Norgrove:
This is in Ethiopia. We weren’t trekking in Ethiopia with her.
Malcolm Brabant:
While the Norgroves have attained serenity and joy from their charity work, they’re fueled by the injustice of the Taliban regime.
Lorna Norgrove:
I am angry because I can’t — I just can’t understand their way of thinking. I just feel that the Taliban need women doctors. They don’t want their women folk seen by men, male doctors, so perhaps a lot of women are going untreated. I know a lot of women are going untreated, because there aren’t the women doctors about.
So why don’t they let women study to become doctors? I just cannot get my head round that.
John Norgrove:
We see lots of people in Afghanistan who are here having an absolutely awful time, and you have the capability of changing their life. And that’s a really good feeling. So, that’s what it comes down to at the end of the day.
Malcolm Brabant:
Do you feel that you’re continuing the work that your daughter did?
Lorna Norgrove:
She was very passionate about helping women and children in Afghanistan, yes, and she would have been absolutely over the moon that we were doing that, we’re able to do that.
Malcolm Brabant:
And the love the Norgroves have extended has created an unbreakable bond.
Banin Sultani:
I really thank them, and I hope to be able to do something to just compensate it for them. They are so kind. And I think, like, we are having a spiritual connection. Like, we are far from our fathers and mothers, but we have another father and mother here. We are really connected with them.
Malcolm Brabant:
The 19 Afghan students will continue to enjoy the support of the Norgrove Foundation, but the nonprofit’s main focus remains women and children facing draconian restrictions far across the water in Afghanistan.
For the “PBS News Hour,” I’m Malcolm Brabant in Scotland.
In Scotland, Afghan women find another chance to pursue their dreams of becoming doctors
The spokesperson added that they [the Islamic Emirate] are working to better ensure the remaining rights of the country’s citizens.
Saif-ul-Islam Khyber, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Vice and Virtue, told TOLOnews that since the return of the Islamic Emirate to power, 80% of women’s rights in the country have been ensured.
The spokesperson added that they [the Islamic Emirate] are working to better ensure the remaining rights of the country’s citizens.
Saif-ul-Islam Khyber said, “Eighty percent of women’s rights have been provided to them. These rights include marriage, inheritance, or freedoms that Islam grants them and are their fundamental rights. The ministry and its officials have addressed 80% of these rights.”
According to Saif-ul-Islam Khyber, the Ministry of Vice and Virtue is serious about ensuring citizens’ rights, including those of women. Since the Islamic Emirate’s return to power, significant steps have also been taken in securing inheritance rights.
The spokesperson further added, “Of all women’s rights, a small percentage has not yet been fully addressed, but we are working to resolve those as well.”
At the same time, some religious scholars emphasize that the Islamic Emirate must make greater efforts to ensure the rights of its citizens.
Samiullah Mohammadi, a religious scholar, told TOLOnews, “Islam provides facilities for women in all aspects of life, including education, healthcare, and addressing poverty and deprivation. Islam ensures both men’s and women’s rights.”
Another religious scholar, Abdul Rahman Abid, said: “Men’s and women’s rights must be ensured. Greater attention must be paid to women’s rights as they are a disadvantaged and vulnerable group.”
The Ministry of Vice and Virtue previously stated that, over the past three years, they have resolved more than 4,500 cases related to women’s inheritance and have prevented nearly 5,000 forced marriages.
80% of Women’s Rights Secured, Says Islamic Emirate Official
ISLAMABAD — The Taliban said Thursday they are investigating reports of Afghan casualties on the Iran border. It’s their first acknowledgement of the alleged killing and wounding of Afghan nationals by Iranian security forces in an attack Sunday. They previously described the reports as rumors.
Iran has denied any shooting took place near Saravan, a town in the country’s restive southeastern province of Sistan and Baluchistan, which borders Taliban-ruled Afghanistan.
However, anti-Afghan migrant rhetoric has escalated in Iran in recent months as Western sanctions grind down its economy, with the country’s police chief saying some 2 million migrants would be deported in the next six months.
HalVash, an advocacy group for the Baluch people that is broadly focused on Iran, has issued a series of reports about the shooting, citing two unidentified witnesses and others as claiming a death toll of at least dozens, with more wounded. It published images of what appeared to be several corpses and others with gunshot wounds. HalVash alleged that Iranian security forces used both firearms and rocket-propelled grenades in the attack.
Taliban chief spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid said a high-ranking delegation was investigating the reported incident.
The delegation includes the deputy interior minister for security and representatives of different ministries, including defense and the General Intelligence Directorate.
“The delegation has been entrusted with the responsibility of conducting an exhaustive and meticulous investigation into the matter,” Mujahid wrote on the social media platform X. “Since its assignment, the delegation has worked relentlessly to ascertain the facts. It is committed to providing clarity on this issue to the public at the earliest opportunity.”
The Associated Press has been unable to independently confirm the attack. Verifying information remains difficult in Sistan and Baluchistan, which for decades has been home to a cross-border insurgency and violence involving heroin traffickers.
The U.N. mission in Afghanistan called for a thorough and transparent investigation into the alleged incident. It said the rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers were protected by international law.
“UNAMA expresses its deep concern over disturbing reports of an incident on 14 to 15 October in Sistan province, Sarbaz district, Kala Gan border area of Iran, with allegations that a large group of Afghan migrants were opened fire on, resulting in deaths and injuries,” the mission said.
On Wednesday, Iran began to push back on the reports. Gen. Reza Shojaei, a commander of the provincial border guard, called the reports of a shooting “basically false.” Hassan Kazemi Ghomi, the Iranian president’s special representative for Afghanistan affairs, also called the claims “not true” on X and blamed the story’s spread on “the frenzy of the lying media.”
Officials from Afghanistan’s former Western-backed government said Iran must bring the perpetrators to justice.
Large numbers of Afghans have called Iran home for decades, from the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan through the first rule of the Taliban, the 2003 U.S.-led invasion and the 2021 Taliban takeover. The United Nations’ refugee agency estimates 3.8 million displaced people live in Iran, the vast majority of them Afghans. Some in Iran suggest the number of Afghans is even higher.
Police and authorities are signaling they want to deport more Afghans. Iranian police chief Ahmad Reza Radan earlier this month said the country planned to deport 2 million undocumented migrants in the next six months, though he stopped short of identifying them as Afghans. He said some 500,000 already had been deported.
“We cannot allow some individuals to enter the country illegally, reside, and work,” he said. “Citizens and business owners should know that employing these individuals and housing illegal foreign nationals is a crime.”
Associated Press writer Jon Gambrell in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed to this report.
The Taliban say they are investigating reports of Afghan casualties on the Iran border